tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-82515303347040884602024-03-19T04:47:42.781+01:00The Mushaki PagerSupporting the Peace Process in Eastern DRC: Creative Minorities change Culture!Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.comBlogger634125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-78762084654559952492014-01-12T08:37:00.001+01:002014-01-12T08:37:19.094+01:00US EMBASSY IN KINSHASA'S ALARM<div style="text-align: justify;">
These repeated alarm signals reminds me of the periods between the "Pillages" of 1993 and the Mobutu debacle in 1997. They are coming in close sequence. What does this say, when the UN in Goma is celebrating the alleged death of a neighboring president? Is the UN hoping to solve the DRC problems with leaders' killing on social media?? Why is Ladsous stooping that low? Because the Western powers he represents are hiding their declining power in the conflicts they unleash on the continent. And we let them just do that. Anyway, I do not wish to write extensive comments since I am gathering a number of facts before doing so. I only want to keep reading the signs that appear in something like this official communication. We know it's about bakata katanga activities, but you can see how these powers are wishing for some bakata Congo. They are only trying to disguise their move, so that we'll translate everything again into the "perspective of ethnic hatred": this is how they want the continent to understand itself, and the weak "imaginaire" of people like the congolese are content with that, but for how long?</div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">U.S. Embassy Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)</span></div>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">Security Message for U.S. Citizens </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">Unrest near Lubumbashi in Katanga Province</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">January 10, 2014</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">The Embassy has received information of armed engagements between the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) and various armed groups near the city of Lubumbashi in Katanga province, including fighting in the village of Kajiba (25 kilometers east of Lubumbashi) and Kiziba (10 kilometers southeast of Lubumbashi). The Embassy has also received reports that some armed groups may be planning attacks in Lubumbashi and other cities in Katanga. The Embassy will distribute additional information as this becomes available. The U.S. Embassy advises U.S. citizens to avoid all public demonstrations and areas where crowds have gathered because even events intending to be peaceful can at times rapidly turn violent or even deadly without prior warning.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">U.S. citizens should ensure that their travel documents, including their U.S. passport and Congolese visas/residency permits, are valid. In addition, U.S. citizens should have their travel documents in their possession at all times in case of an immediate need to travel.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">You can stay in touch and get Embassy updates by checking the U.S. Embassy Kinshasa web site (kinshasa.usembassy.gov). You can also get global updates at the U.S. Department of State's, Bureau of Consular Affairs website (travel.state.gov) where you can find the current Worldwide Caution, Travel Warning, Travel Alerts, and Country Specific Information. Follow us on Twitter and the Bureau of Consular Affairs page on Facebook as well; or you can download our free Smart Traveler App from iTunes or the Android market to have travel information at your fingertips. If you don't have internet access, you may obtain up-to-date information on security conditions by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll-free in the United States and Canada, or on a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. These numbers are available from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. federal holidays). </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">If you are going to live in or travel to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, please take the time to tell us about your trip by enrolling in the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP). If you enroll, we can keep you up to date with important safety and security announcements. It will also help your friends and family get in touch with you in an emergency. You should remember to keep all of your information in STEP up to date. It is important during enrollment or updating of information to include your current phone number and current email address where you can be reached in case of an emergency. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">The U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa is located at 310 Avenue des Aviateurs, tel. +243-081-225-5872 (Do not dial the zero when calling from abroad). The Consular Section of the Embassy may be reached at tel. +243-081-884-6859 or +243-081-884-4609 and is open Monday-Thursday, 7:30 a.m.-5:15 p.m. and Fridays from 7:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px;">For after-hours emergencies, U.S. citizens should call 081-556-0151 and ask to speak with the duty officer.</span>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-18184301921438058732014-01-05T16:52:00.005+01:002014-01-05T16:52:57.357+01:00ALLEZ Y COMPRENDRE QUELQUE CHOSE<span style="background-color: #f7f7f7; color: #3e454c; line-height: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">AUTOPSIE D'UN CAS (Colonel Mamadou Ndala)
1-La scène: Land cruiser Pick up adapté pour transporter une Section
de 10 Personnes regardant vers l'exterieur à gauche et à droite.
2-La Land Cruiser est bien garée: les 4 pneus en place et 1pneu de
reserve en feu, le long de la route.
3-Aile avant droite deformée, enfoncée, la Cabine en feu, portières
intactes.
4-RPG7 impliquée
5-Route asphaltée sur un tronçon rectiligne dans la forêt.
6-Village entourée d'une forêt.
FORENSIC et ANALYSES
On nous dit qu'un RPG 7 ( Lance roquette #7) a été tirée sur la Land Cruiser. Sur une telle route en zone opérationnelle, on ne peut rouler en moins de 80 Km/Heure. Avec l'impact de la roquette, la Land Cruiser doit se renverser ou chavirer. Le moteur devrait présenter des signes d'impact. Le capot devait s'ouvrir et le moteur en feu.
On ne voit que l'aile avant droite déformée et enfoncée, pas d'une façon normale, alors qu'elle devait se desintégrer totalement.
Les 4 pneus en feu à en croire le bon état du capot et du moteur me pousse à dire que le feu a été intentionel et attisé à l'aide d'un combustible autre que le mazout. Pourquoi le pneu de reserve est il en feu alors que la ridelle de la Toyota est intacte et avec sa couleur blanche?
Le drapelet rouge ou le fanion de l'Unité est intacte.
Pourquoi y a-t-il du feu dans la cabine, alors que les portières sont fermées? Et le feu est plus intense que celui des pneus?
EMBUSCADE: Dissimuler une troupe en un endroit propice pour attaquer une cible mouvante ou un énnemi. Le choix de l'endroit est très important. Généralement l'autre côté de la route est un versant accidenté pour empêcher l'énnemi de s'enfuir. Le tronçon choisi est généralement en boucle et en terrain difficile. Dans ce cas d'espèce, ce terrain est tout à fait le contraire des principes classiques. Possible. La route est rectiligne et la vitesse du véhicule peut faire échouer la mission. A quelle vitesse roulait ce véhicule en zone dangereuse?????
HYPOTHESES
Les passagers auraient ils été abattus et placés dans la cabine????
Il faut pousser des enquêtes: impacts des balles, étranglement, étudier leur poumons pour voir s'ils étaient suffoqués et déceler la quantité de fumée inhalée
Complicité des gardes du corps, bien les intérroger avec detecteur de mensonges, en présence d'un spécialiste en " Body Language".
CONCLUSIONS
Le Colonel a été abattu avant la propagation de ce feu
La cabine serait défoncée et ouverte en cas de tir de la roquette ???
Le feu intense dans la cabine était mis pour brûler le corps des passagers et pour éffacer certaines traces.
Le moteur et le capot non ouverts trahissent l'action de l'assassin
Le fait que le véhicule soit bien garée en lieu et place de se renverser prouve que le feu n'est pas la cause mortelle de cette scène, par conséquent pas la roquette.
Le colonel a été assassiné. C'est donc un ASSASSINAT.</span></span>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-11254059496858874972014-01-05T16:46:00.001+01:002014-01-05T16:46:43.238+01:00QUI A TUE MAMADOU, LE MERCENAIRE SENEGALAIS FABRIQUE PAR MARTIN KOBLER?<h1 class="clearfix color text-right" style="background-color: white; color: #660000; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 38.5px; line-height: 40px; margin: 10px 0px; text-align: right; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
Mamadou tué par les siens</h1>
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<em>La main qui a exécuté le célèbre colonel vient de l’intérieur du pouvoir</em></h3>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;"><div style="margin-bottom: 10px;">
La version officielle de Kinshasa, qui indique les rebelles ougandais de l’ADF-Nalu comme les auteurs du meurtre, ne tient pas la route. Un faisceau d’indices convergents suggère au contraire la participation de soldats de l’armée régulière à l’assassinat du patron des URR. Ils auraient, selon nos sources, obéit aux ordres d’un officier proche du chef de l’Etat.</div>
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The official version of Kinshasa, which indicates the Ugandan rebels of the ADF-Nalu as the murderers, is not consistent. Converging evidence suggests the contrary, involving soldiers of the regular army to murder the boss of URR. They have, according to our sources, obeyed the orders of an officer close to the head of state.</div>
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<i>L’Agence d’information - samedi 4 janvier 2014</i></div>
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Personne n’y avait cru. Lorsque le jeudi 2 janvier en fin de journée, Lambert Mende Omalanga, porte-parole du gouvernement de la République démocratique du Congo, faisait état de la responsabilité des rebelles ougandais des ADF-Nalu dans la disparition violente du colonel des Forces Armées (FARDC) Mamadou Mustafa Ndala, tué quelque heures auparavant lorsque il était à bord de sa jeep sur la route reliant Beni à Eringeti, dans le Nord-Kivu, sa déclaration n’avait pas fait que des émules, au contraire. Et cela malgré les fonctions nouvellement attribuées à Ndala, qui avait été chargé, à la tête de ses Unités de réaction rapide (URR), de partir à la chasse des ADF.</div>
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Mis à part Mende, dont les affirmations avaient été distillées sur le petit écran avec un ton faussement décontracté qui cachait mal son embarras, aucune autre haute autorité du pays n’était intervenue pour dissiper le malaise auprès d’une population à la quelle on avait voulu faire croire que ce colonel, originaire de la province de l’Equateur, était le héros de la prétendue « victoire » sur les troupes du M23.</div>
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Pointer le doigt sur les ADF, dont les miliciens n’ont jamais était présents dans cette zone située à une dizaine de kilomètres de Beni, totalement sous contrôle des forces régulières, a rendue immédiatement suspecte la version officielle. D’autant que ce genre d’action ne rentre pas dans la stratégie de ce groupe, qui occupe la plupart des localités dans la chefferie de Watalinga, où il est aussi installé en bonne entente avec les communautés nande qui y habitent. Les moyens logistiques, de renseignements et opérationnels de celle qui demeure une petite milice à l’armement léger ne lui auraient pas permis non plus de mener avec succès une initiative si audacieuse en territoire “ennemi”.</div>
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A ces remarques s’ajoutent le jour suivant les déclarations du garde du corps du célèbre Mamadou, de nom Paul Safari, rescapé miraculeux de l’accident. Dans une interview à Radio Okapi, le militaire témoigne sans hésiter que les assaillants portaient l’uniforme des FARDC : <i>« J’ai bien vu, ce sont des tenues des FARDC. Je n’ai pas compris. J’ai fui et ils m’ont poursuivi sans relâche jusqu’à une certaine distance. Ils m’ont manqué dans la forêt. Là encore, j’ai revérifié leur habillement et je me suis rendu compte que c’étaient nos tenues. Franchement, ce ne sont pas les ADF-Nalu qui nous ont attaqués. Et c’est ce qui me fait plus mal. Faut-il penser à un montage ? »</i></div>
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En ce qui concerne l’arme du crime aussi, les doutes fusent. Selon la version gouvernementale, il s’agirait d’une roquette qui aurait visé de plein fouet le colonel. Mais le corps de quelqu’un atteint par un RPG7 ne se trouve certes pas dans l’état presque intègre dans lequel on voit distinctement celui de Ndala dans la vidéo qui a commencé à circuler sur youtube et les réseaux sociaux peu après cet épisode controversé. La cabine de guide de la jeep, où l’officier se trouvait, n’a pas été détruite par le projectile, ce qui est inconcevable si l’on considère la force de nuisance du projectile. Le véhicule aurait au moins dû être renversé ou déplacé de travers dans la chaussée. Ce dernier est par contre garé au bord de la route, comme si le chauffeur avait arrêté volontairement la course. Des militaires, que les occupants de la jeep connaissaient, ont-ils fait signe au conducteur de serrer à droite et d’arrêter la jeep, avant d’abattre à bout portant le haut gradé et ses gardes du corps, sauf Safari, qui arrive à s’enfuir ?</div>
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Logiquement, le colonel Mamadou a été éliminé pour avoir voulu se prêter à un jeu plus grand que lui. Quand la mise en scène de la montée en puissance des FARDC a été concoctée par le duo Ladsous-Kobler – respectivement patron du Département des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies et chef de la mission onusienne en RDC – cet ancien militaire de Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo au sein de l’armée du MLC a bien voulu se prêter à jouer le rôle du sauveur de la patrie. Et faire oublier les revers subis face aux brigades du M23, comme en août 2012, quand il avait été obligé de quitter avec précipitation le front de Bunagana pour s’abriter en Ouganda alors qu’il était poursuivi par les hommes de l’ARC, branche armée du M23 !</div>
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Cependant, son ascension n’était pas pour plaire à tout le monde, notamment dans les hautes sphères de la maison militaire du président Kabila. Celui-ci venait d’envoyer à Beni un contingent des FARDC pour, dit-on officiellement, soutenir l’effort de guerre du vaillant Mamadou contre les ADF. L’un des chefs de ce contingent est le colonel Mundos, un militaire kivutien d’origine hunde, spécialisé en basses œuvres pour le compte du régime. C’est lui que nos sources de Kinshasa indiquent comme le commanditaire probable de l’exécution du <i>« héros national »</i>.</div>
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Pièce par pièce, et après la féroce répression qui a coûté la vie à 140 militaires qui revendiquaient leur solde la veille du jour de l’an (on y viendra dans une prochaine dépêche), le théâtre d’ombres où la fausse victoire des FARDC a été mise en scène est en train de se démonter tout seul. Comme l’état de grâce artificiel d’un pouvoir de plus en plus fragilisé et visiblement en proie à des convulsions internes.</div>
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La RDC serait-elle à un tournant de son histoire ?</div>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;">L’Agence d’information</span></div>
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<a href="http://www.lagencedinformation.com/055-mamadou-tue-par-les-siens.html">http://www.lagencedinformation.com/055-mamadou-tue-par-les-siens.html</a></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-7410471974504710642013-12-31T07:24:00.002+01:002013-12-31T07:29:21.155+01:00SIGNE AVANT-COUREUR D'UN DEBACLE INEVITABLE<div style="text-align: justify;">
It might take longer or might erupt real quick, but it will happen. We are going to follow this closely. Remember that violence in Katanga is going on. Finally Numbi has been obliterated from the police force, but I have no clue how that will help Kabila, who seems to forget that the Katanga has its own Kings. His so called victory over M23 has been so short-lived. And if we keep in mind that it wasn't his victory, we can see how the unfolding event will weaken him further. Read in between the lines here:</div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Emergency Message for U.S. Citizens </span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Armed Engagements Around Kinshasa</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">December 30, 2013 </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">The Embassy has received multiple reports of armed engagements and fighting around Kinshasa, including shots being fired at the national television station, N’djili International Airport, and other locations in the city. These reports also state that Ndjili International Airport is currently closed. The E</span><span class="text_exposed_show" style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; display: inline; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">mbassy has also received reports that there are police and military checkpoints and barricades in many places as well. The Embassy urges all U.S. citizens in Kinshasa to stay in place and not travel around the city until further notice. The Embassy will distribute additional information as it becomes available. The U.S. Embassy advises U.S. citizens to avoid all public demonstrations and areas where crowds have gathered because even peaceful events can become violent or even deadly.<br /><br />The U.S. Embassy reminds U.S. citizens in the Democratic Republic of the Congo that events can occur rapidly and without prior warning. All U.S. citizens should ensure that their travel documents, including their U.S. passport and Congolese visas/residency permits, are valid. In addition, U.S. citizens should have their travel documents in their possession at all times in case of an immediate need to travel.<br /><br />You can stay in touch and get Embassy updates by checking the U.S. Embassy Kinshasa web site. You can also get global updates at the U.S. Department of State's, Bureau of Consular Affairs website where you can find the current Worldwide Caution, Travel Warning, Travel Alerts, and Country Specific Information. Follow us on Twitter and the Bureau of Consular Affairs page on Facebook as well; or you can download our free Smart Traveler App from iTunes or the Android market to have travel information at your fingertips. If you don't have internet access, you may obtain up-to-date information on security conditions by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll-free in the United States and Canada, or on a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444 from other countries. These numbers are available from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. federal holidays).<br /><br />If you are going to live in or travel to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, please take the time to tell us about your trip by enrolling in the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP). If you enroll, we can keep you up to date with important safety and security announcements. It will also help your friends and family get in touch with you in an emergency. You should remember to keep all of your information in STEP up to date. It is important during enrollment or updating of information to include your current phone number and current email address where you can be reached in case of an emergency.<br /><br />The U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa is located at 310 Avenue des Aviateurs, tel. +243-081-225-5872 (Do not dial the zero when calling from abroad). The Consular Section of the Embassy may be reached at tel. +243-081-884-6859 or +243-081-884-4609 and is open Monday-Thursday, 7:30 a.m.-5:15 p.m. and Fridays from 7:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m.<br /><br />For after-hours emergencies, U.S. citizens should call 081-556-0151 and ask to speak with the duty officer.</span><br />
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<span class="text_exposed_show" style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; display: inline; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Source: </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/usembassykinshasa/posts/10152487353908275" rel="nofollow" style="background-color: white; color: #3b5998; cursor: pointer; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">https://www.facebook.com/usembassykinshasa/posts/10152487353908275</a>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-9774562974020022032013-12-04T11:02:00.001+01:002013-12-04T11:02:46.762+01:00INTERESTING READ<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The only points I found unclear is 1) putting the roots of DRC only in Rwanda's problems in the 40s, 60, and 90s; 2) It would be good to know which denomination the interesting bishop belongs to!</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://angeloizama.com/2013/12/02/on-tribalism-and-wealth-obore-and-the-debate-a-ugandan-study/">http://angeloizama.com/2013/12/02/on-tribalism-and-wealth-obore-and-the-debate-a-ugandan-study/</a></span><br />
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On tribalism and wealth, Obore and the debate: A Ugandan study.</h1>
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I had not read James O’Connell’s 1967 essay on the <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=2535244" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Inevitability of Instability”</a> in African post-independence settings until this weekend.</div>
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In broad brush O’Connell puts into clear perspective some of the situations this blog has tried to be a curator of, albeit from the lens of one journalist and one country. There are few political homes, outside ethnicity, that organized politics can make its bed. Ethnicity is the nesting place for individual political careers, where support is kept warm like fragile eggs in the so-called home district or home region. Until they become the golden eggs of the ethnic goose to be protected by national institutions upon the assent to power of one group or another that is.</div>
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O’Connell reflects on this and the missed opportunities of hurried de-colonization from which emerged a situation where mature politics was, according to him, impossible. One aspect he explores is how incompetent and utterly unprepared the post-colonial African politician was for “national” politics. The stain, and in some ways the necessity, of “tribalism” to the lawful mobilization of competitive political support has created many distortions not least violent civil war and worse. Following our last <a href="http://angeloizama.com/2013/11/28/debate-understanding-ugandan-street-protests-from-mabira-to-lukwago/" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">post</a> on how urban protest is ethnic competition given political meaning in Uganda the debate has continued. One of those whose career has been imperiled, along with that of the Kampala Mayor and several other journalists is Chris Obore the show host and head of investigative journalism at the <i style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Daily Monitor</i>.</div>
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<a href="http://angeloizama.com/2013/12/02/on-tribalism-and-wealth-obore-and-the-debate-a-ugandan-study/attachment/99/" rel="attachment wp-att-1756" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border-bottom-style: none; border-width: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="99" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-1756" height="366" src="http://thisisafrica.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/99.jpeg?w=550&h=366" style="background-color: transparent; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border: none; display: inline; float: left; height: auto; margin: 0px 1em 0.5em 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="550" /></a>Following a post on how ethnic Banyarwanda were the bane of national problems in Uganda, a familiar refrain, the newspaper has announced some sort of internal review of that post.<a href="http://angeloizama.com/2013/12/02/on-tribalism-and-wealth-obore-and-the-debate-a-ugandan-study/banyarwanda-post-obore/" rel="attachment wp-att-1754" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border-bottom-style: none; border-width: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Banyarwanda Post Obore</a></div>
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His supporters or those who support his views have weighed in. On social media there is a split. Others have simply dismissed his post as hate speech (see ex-President Geoffrey Lukongwe Binaisa’s equally unsavory <a href="http://archive.is/oBiMc" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">take </a>on the issue during the chaos of 1994.)</div>
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Obore has claimed his FB account was hacked but many familiar with his past analyses will no doubt disagree. Earlier I learnt that he might be leaving NTV’s 4<span style="background-color: transparent; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border: 0px; bottom: 1ex; font-size: 10px; height: 0px; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">th</span> Estate where I have been a co-panelist with him- permanently (I will not be returning to the show myself in the new year). The construction of the argument on ethnicity itself is problematic, not just for gatekeepers of the news or politicians, if only because seeking ethnic harmony through democratic institutions was always going to be problematic.</div>
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My view is that post-colonial African leaders (ala O’Connell) despite winning independence did not reconstruct and re-define the state or the political institutions they inherited. They instead accepted to be defined by them. It is the classic Weber-ian trap. Where colonial geography had mutilated ethnic settlements and reconstructed them as ties of citizenship were left unresolved- even as nationalists fought amongst themselves to say who belonged or who did not belong.</div>
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The ideas of the state, of nationalism and patriotism were all inherited. In some ways they are administered in the international system as some sort of patent owned by the colonial system that retreated. When we err, we are punished. Sanctions are imposed. Our own intellectual tradition is based on this patent agreement. International institutions police it and locally legitimacy is sought as the nearest interpretation of how these rules are applied ( or as O’Connell references is problematic in the way that ” men trained to play draughts are led to make those same moves in a game of chess, and that the result is neither chess nor draughts”). This is of course not to argue that it was a bad inheritance. O’Connell would say it was an inheritance that was bound to be badly managed.</div>
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The worst examples coming out of these contradictions is the mayhem in eastern DRC and its roots in the Rwanda situation of the 40’s, 50’s and 90’s. Many others have mined the depths of this. But like other situations contemporary politics often turns a blind eye to addressing ethnic core of the problem choosing instead to deploy post-modernist language of citizenship, equal rights, human rights and nationalism against it. Perhaps no nation in the Great Lakes has suffered as much as the Banyrwanda from these contradictions and subsequently suffered with the rest of the East African community.</div>
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Sometime back I ran into William Bahemuka, a cleric who is currently the Bishop of the Diocese of Boga in eastern DRC. I was getting ready to go to a radio show when he walked in, bespectacled, in a red t-shirt, in a café in downtown Kampala. Bahemuka, who is what I would call Congolese-Ugandan or the other way round, had accompanied his son who is starting university in Uganda. He too had grown up and studied in the country before he took on the holy orders. Bishop Bahemuka, a short man, who laughs a lot, speaks more than 6 local “Ugandan” languages, besides French, English, Swahili and Lingala. The last time we met was in Hoima where I had gone to facilitate a discussion of cross-border issues in the areas where Ugandan and Congolese oil is due to be exploited. It conincided with a royal event for the Omukama of Bunyoro. The Bishop surprised the Banyoro attending one of the parties for their Kingdom’s anniversary by speaking eloquently in that “mother tongue”.</div>
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It turns out however that the Bishop traces his ancestry along the border area to a cluster of clans related to the Banyoro. His story is not unusual. His language skills aside many “tribes” along the common border have ties on both sides. They belong to communities who had formed complex political relationships before these were broken up and reformed into modern national borders.</div>
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After all the entire border is simply geography not history. The border, however, is how power has been defined and competed for.</div>
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Many people are as multi-polar as the Bishop. No community is or can be pure (despite the experimentation of some of our worst leaders). And no purity certainly not based on nationalism fashioned out of artificial borders aught to be required.</div>
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In the new state of South Sudan senior officials speak the same mother tongue that I do. Or for that matter former Kenyan VP Moody Awori whose brother Aggrey Awori ran for President in Uganda. Ideas about nationalism or even pan-Africanism may not adequately address this issue as an ongoing and continuous crisis in most African countries. That requires domestic political arrangements that allow for truth telling and intellectual honesty.</div>
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What is emerging today is that poor economic management (weighed down by patronage politics) is creating additional problems in African towns and cities where national politics has turned into a game of “anger management”. The type that Gidi Maji Maji sort of put to song <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DcIDTiqzJ0s" sl-processed="1" style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><i style="background-color: transparent; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">unbwogable</i></a> that became the campaign slogan for the Raila/Kibaki campaign against Moi in 2002 (and fell apart in 08).</div>
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In any event the think tank I co-founded attempted to address the Ugandan version of this issue empirically ahead of the 2011 elections. Few read the study but I have found it useful to return to and be surprised by it. Read for yourself.</div>
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<a href="http://angeloizama.com/2013/12/02/on-tribalism-and-wealth-obore-and-the-debate-a-ugandan-study/ethnicity-and-economic-well-being-in-uganda-2009-2/" rel="attachment wp-att-1755" sl-processed="1" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-width: 0px; color: black; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">ETHNICITY AND ECONOMIC WELL-BEING IN UGANDA 2009</a></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-27271176971193858172013-11-27T05:56:00.001+01:002013-11-28T06:44:15.943+01:00CAN YOU RESTORE TRUST WHILE YOU ARE NOT TRUSTWORTHY?<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This is the question we should address to Mary Robinson who is earning handsome money in her retirement age by crisscrossing East and Central Africa to protect the genocide agenda of France. I earn my meager living teaching a good bunch of fantastic under-graduate and graduate students and this lady does hers by fostering the chaos in Africa to allow her <i>commanditaires </i>to over colonize us again. That's why she is helping France so keenly. So I hear she is back to push for the defunct peace deal in Kampala: </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/14475-un-envoy-returns-for-m23-peace-deal.html">http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/14475-un-envoy-returns-for-m23-peace-deal.html</a>. But we already know that signature or no signature of that forsaken deal, the fight must go on. There is an urgent need to fight it differently with plan B, C, D, E etc... until our people can live on their land again, the same land Kabila is selling out with the help of corrupt UN forces, envoys, frameworks and whatever. In Africa, independence has never been given, except to Tanzania. Every other people have had to fight for it and ours will still have to be snatched from the jaws of furious and powerful lions in the West, thought they present themselves in the form of a seemingly harmless granny Robinson. She of all people, who comes for Ireland, should know what it is to fight against implacable colonial masters. She cannot because she's been in the UN system which is an expert in brainwashing "leaders" with money rather than with true political ideals. Let's watch and see what she does. I can assure you only on what she will not do: you will not see her asking Kobler and da Cruz to fight FDLR. Now that France is getting another SC resolution to beef up its troupes in CAR, she will go silent on FDLR. Read between the lines and you will see an operation Turquoise coming down from Bangui to meet up with Monusco somwhere, Mali is under control of the same power etc... Tell me why France is so keen on a resolution on CAR (4.5 Million people on a territory about the same size as France full of mining and oil resources, water, forest, etc...)? Do you what I mean? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">No one should trust these envoys, including Russell Feingold. Have you observed that the US administration has failed with just a website for what they have called their best reforming policy? How can an Administration that failed to have a functioning website can still claim to be in a position to solve our politico-historical problems? No wonder we have on record a "<i>hummmmm</i>" answer from Feingold to a question regarding the peace deal he claim to have forged for the DRC.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In the meantime, the Rais is about to reach Goma if his great cars have allowed him to dodge the muddy road from Kisangani. He might have to reach Beni from where he can fly to Goma, or has he done it already? In Goma he is relying on Paluku Julien, Paluku Magloire and Omar Kavota to put people on the streets to greet his ending power. But the Gomatraciens' heart is not with him. Western powers, in their determination to destroy anything tutsi related, have helped him to regain his semblance of power by sending M23 into Uganda. However, they have not restored the peace he needs to win new elections, they have rather weakened it. If I were him, I'd be watchful. It is not the CNDP-M23 that wanted to split the country, it's these Western powers that want a chaotic DRC in order to split it better and faster. When this happens, at least Congolese should know whom to blame. At the moment, the only weakness showing up a bit on the DRC front is discussed by this diaspora media that demonstrates, most of the time, that it can have some objectivity. You might not agree with the article, but you can agree with its title at least:</span><a href="http://www.congoindependant.com/article.php?articleid=8479"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://www.congoindependant.com/article.php?articleid=8479</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"> . </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">As for CNDP-M23, I'd say the effort must be focused on Plan B, C, D, E, F even Z if necessary; simply because the ideals the CNDP fought for are the only ones that can defeat the Western greed over our countries and people.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">You might also find these two quite interesting:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://nanojv.wordpress.com/2010/04/27/ouganda-puissance-petroliere/">http://nanojv.wordpress.com/2010/04/27/ouganda-puissance-petroliere/</a></span><br />
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<a href="http://nanojv.wordpress.com/2013/11/27/centrafrique-explication/"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://nanojv.wordpress.com/2013/11/27/centrafrique-explication/</span></a><br />
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-5764470801255590502013-11-22T07:13:00.001+01:002013-11-22T07:13:29.362+01:00INTRANSIGENT KINSHASA AND OVER-COMPLAISANT UN <div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">These two attitudes are putting in jeopardy the peace process for the whole of DRC and more so, for the Kivu. It is obvious that the so called "victory over M23" has produced only intransigence and arrogance on the part of Kinshasa, as well as over-complaisance on the part of Kobler and what he represents, i.e the wide association of foreign vultures. While Kobler's attitude would be understandable, it is difficult to understand Kinshasa's blindness. They can sing victory, but it is obvious that they have not brought peace, just as yet. Kobler's stance is understandable because he has come only for this single mission, fight M23 on behalf of FARDC. This has had two interesting effects: a confirmation of FARDC total inability to fight any war on its own on one hand; on the other, it demonstrate how the international community, with their international media and/or NGOs have heavily campaigned to demonize M23, while the latter has consistently shown and finally proved that as a rebellion, they are perfectly capable of prioritizing peace. I should have added another effect actually and that is the confirmation that all accusations against Rwanda and Uganda as backing M23 were lies all along. They have been used only to bring in local arms of neo-colonialism in the form of Tanzania and South-Africa. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The triple effect is good evidence of who are the artisan of this persistent "<i>status quo ante</i>"in the DRC: 1) Kinshasa itself, because Kabila and his clique have demonstrated their total detachment from the development of the country, they care only about the interests of their backers; 2) Foreign powers represented by the different western envoys: you can see today how empty the carefully crafted discourse of Mary Robinson, Rusell Feingold, and their barking german "wolfe disguised in sheep" have been all along - in fact we can say they were only meant to sink M23; the proof is there to been seen but no media is saying anything about the looting and the killings in North-Kivu, foreign media have gone totally silent; 3) Passive Africans and those allied to the enemies of this continent freedom: I am still hoping that ICGLR can continue to keep a different position and not join the band of continental regional blocks of traitors. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However a friend told me yesterday that the African Union has timidly raised its voice through Boubacar Diarra who seems to think Kinshasa should be made to come to Kampala still. But why isn't it the General Secretary of the AU who is speaking or who is taking a plane to Kinshasa to confront Kabila and MONUSCO on two points: Kabila on the signature and MONUSCO on dealing with the other negative forces, which apart from FDLR should include FARDC who have ransacked Bunagana and environs in a witch-hunting against families suspected to be relatives of the defeated M23?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Who should be demonized now? Definitely not regional states trying to help bring peace. Their security and development concerns for the region are real and objective, way beyond the hypocritical interests of the US and UK allied to the genocide agenda of France in Sub-saharan Africa (wait and see the fate of Mali and the CAR). The ones that should be denounced now are Joseph Kabila's government and his backers, the UN at the front line and France behind the scene and not so discreetly. It is interesting to know that one member of the Kinshasa delegation to Kampala was visiting Etienne Tshisekedi yesterday in Kinshasa. Was he sent to ask "<i>le Sphinx de Limete</i>" for advise on how to revers the blunder brought about by Kinshasa's refusal to sign? I actually don't care about that. What I care about is whether our people have finally understood that those foreign envoy that drummed the agreement will be taking advantage of this "vacuum situation" to finally prepare the dismantling of the country. At least no one will accuse the Congolese tutsis for that, neither the neighboring countries who tried hard to broke a peace deal. Congolese who are singing the praises of FARDC will be surprised to see what Kabila is preparing for the country. In his own way, he is clearing the reputation of CNDP-M23, and also Rwanda and Uganda. The ugly face of neo-colonialists is about to appear forcefully.</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-15956698470046246512013-11-18T14:19:00.001+01:002013-11-18T14:26:51.544+01:00LAMBERT MENDE'S JOB<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">He is, as we know, the spokesman of the Congolese government</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">. There, he's said it, his government will go to Uganda on Wednesday to sign an agreement with M23. His is not an easy job. A week ago, he was explaining in a seemingly clear logic why his government would not sign an agreement, and would instead sign a declaration of M23 dissolution. That's his job: to go out there and say what the Rais wants him to say. To handle such a job, you need to renounce your own IQ, and train yourself on how to keep a straight face as you utter contradictory statements one after the other. I wonder whether the Congolese people can understand that there was no true military defeat. They should also have, at this point, a sense of the pressure put on the Rais to, for once, try and honor his own pledges. I don't know how long the UN is going to continue backing him up. I would not be surprised if Kobler is more engaged with FDLR agenda than supporting Kabila in his obstinacy to always back off when some form of solution to the DRC crisis is about to be attained. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">What is it that Kabila is afraid of signing? We hear that the agreement has 11 points, of which not much details are known. I do not think he is afraid of the reintegration of the army. At this juncture, he knows what that integration entails, within the specific case of the East of the DRC, from North-Katanga to Ituri. Is he afraid of the return of refugees? Why would he be? The only thing one can think of is that, since his friends FDLR, supported by the UN are still occupying the area where refugees and internally displaced people should return, there is no need for him to fear. Is he pretending and behind the scene planning with the UN and FDLR on how to continue a genocide on Congolese soil? It would not surprise because of the inertia, the passivity of the UN and all so called human rights organisations who do not say a word on the ongoing violation of human rights being perpetrated against our people in Eastern Congo. I hear that even Mwami Ndeze was arrested with MONUSCO complicity and taken to Kinshasa, just to mention one.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Is Kabila afraid of the so called disaster zone? He shouldn't be, when you know that entire chunks of country have become stateless and lawless and for so many years. Declaring a disaster zone, at least for the entire East, not just North-Kivu is something urgent. The state of things in these parts are sufficient argument to confirm the loss of state legitimacy in the area. Declaring it a disaster zone should open the way to its reconstruction, which should begin by uprooting FDLR from there. I have no clue of what is being signed, if ever, but I do know that any reconstruction of the disaster zone must imply the return of internally and externally displaced people, which would not happen in the right way unless FDLR are vanquished or sent back to their country. So Mr. Kobler, what are you waiting for to fight and disarm FDLR? Are they truly at the service of the UN here, that's why they are untouchable? Come on prove us wrong, turn your FIB MONUSCO against them to pave way for a lasting peace.</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-84485822295723881422013-11-18T05:34:00.002+01:002013-11-18T05:34:11.680+01:00KOBLER AND WAR CRIMES?<h2 class="art-postheader" style="background-color: white; color: #02277e; font-family: 'Arial Black', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 18px; letter-spacing: -1px; margin: 12px 0px 8px; padding: 0px;">
<a class="PostHeader" href="http://www.defendashraf.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2740:martin-kobler-should-face-war-crimes-court-for-his-lies-over-camp-liberty-patrick-kennedy-&catid=4:ashraf&Itemid=10" style="color: #002680; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Martin Kobler should face war crimes court for his 'lies' over Camp Liberty – Patrick Kennedy</a></h2>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://www.defendashraf.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2740:martin-kobler-should-face-war-crimes-court-for-his-lies-over-camp-liberty-patrick-kennedy-&catid=4:ashraf&Itemid=10">http://www.defendashraf.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2740:martin-kobler-should-face-war-crimes-court-for-his-lies-over-camp-liberty-patrick-kennedy-&catid=4:ashraf&Itemid=10</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><strong>NCRI -</strong> The UN's representative in Iraq Martin Kobler should be sacked and hauled before the International Criminal Court for his 'repeated lies' that have left more than 3,000 Iranian dissidents abandoned in at Camp Liberty, former US Congressman Patrick Kennedy said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Mr Kennedy - nephew of assassinated President John F Kennedy - said Kobler has sided with Iran's mullahs and the Iraqi government that was doing the extremist regime's bidding.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">He told a protest meeting outside the UN headquarters in New York: "There is a cloud over the UN reputation, because one of their people... is standing on the side of the mullahs in Tehran and Nouri al-Maliki who is doing the bidding of Iran in Iraq.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"We are going to tell the truth whereas the presentation of Martin Kobler to the UN is all lies. We know that he has lied before and he continues to lie and today he is taking his lies to the seat of the UN to tell them more lies."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Mr Kennedy said he hoped the UN would be shown pictures of the dead an injured form the February 9 rocket attack on Liberty, adding: "They are victims because of his lies."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Camp Liberty has become a killing field. A killing field that has allowed the Iranian regime to kill their opposition one by one, and they have done it with the assistance of Nouri Al Maliki, their puppet regime.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"So let us know that there are real people's lives who are being lost because of bureaucracy at the United Nations set by the person who is charged with protecting these refugees but instead has abandoned these refugees."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Camp Liberty was not safe because protective barriers had been removed and left them highly vulnerable to anger, Mr Kennedy said.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">He told the meeting: "Those protective barriers were taken down by the Iraqi government. Why were those protective barriers taken down? Because the Iranian regime through their puppet in Iraq wants to kill the members of the MEK.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Let us make it clear that more people have been killed in camp Liberty than have been resettled which was the job of the UN to see that these refugees are resettled.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"That was the promise for them to reorganize and move from camp Ashraf to camp Liberty. Why? Because the UN under Martin Kobler said this was what they needed to do in order to be resettled.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Instead they have been killed. And what is Martin Kobler saying to the UN today? He should be saying resettle these refugees around the world today or let them go back to camp Ashraf where they will be safer from these kinds of attacks."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"We are here today to present an indictment, to present a human appeal to the UN that instead of listening to Martin Kobler, they ought to present him in front of another UN body, and you know what that UN body is. The International War Crimes Tribunal."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">But he added: "The day is coming when there is going to be a new Iran where people like Madam Rajavi are going to offer the people of Iran the kind of future and the kind of country that the people of Iran can embrace and feel represent them as human being, instead currently in Iran we have a fascist dictatorship that I know is executing record numbers of their people.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Why does the regime have to execute so many people in order to stay in power? The answer is because they have no legitimate authority to run Iran; that is why they are killing everybody.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"So, we ask the UN today instead of listening to Martin Kobler, look at the faces, the people who lost their lives because of his lies and quickly replace Martin Kobler and instead of listening to him investigate him.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Maybe we should ask why he cannot stand up may be because his wife represents Germany in Iraq which means her job is to ingratiate herself with Nouri al-Maliki. Martin Kobler’s wife and Martin Kobler are in a conflict of interest here.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Instead of listening to Martin Kobler we need to replace him and make sure we return the refugees back to camp Ashraf where they can be resettled safely.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"The people of Liberty are the people of the rest of Iran. They are putting their lives on the line for freedom of future generation of Iranians who no longer want to live with the fear that they are going to be murdered and tortured by a regime that has no respect for human rights and human dignity.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"So, by fighting for the people of camp Liberty, we are fighting for a new Iran and that is why every one of these martyrs is a martyr for freedom.”</span></div>
<br />Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-43473924881218601492013-11-16T16:01:00.003+01:002013-11-16T16:01:52.796+01:00ELEPHANT IN THE ROOMRead for you!<br />
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<span style="font-size: large;">Find the real problem that ails DR Congo</span></h1>
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<a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/Commentary/Find-the-real-problem-that-ails-DR-Congo/-/689364/2074326/-/13knxbqz/-/index.html">http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/Commentary/Find-the-real-problem-that-ails-DR-Congo/-/689364/2074326/-/13knxbqz/-/index.html</a></div>
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When you talk about elephants in the room, that is pressing subjects that everybody would rather not talk about, the African elephants are the biggest. Discussion of African affairs has developed a code of hypocrisy and willful blindness even to the boldest of writings on the wall. To me, nothing illustrates this problem as much as the ever shifting drama of the Democratic Republic of Congo.</div>
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In the global game of interests and agenda-pushing masquerading as news or expert analysis, peace has allegedly come to the DRC now that the M23 rebels have been defeated (or have retreated to fight another day under another acronym) by the FARDC.</div>
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We are reading many articles that are reminiscent of the huge “Mission Accomplished” banner, which was draped on the deck of the US Abraham Lincoln above President George W. Bush when, in 2003, he thought the war in Iraq was over.</div>
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Through these articles we have become even more familiar with the great alphabet and, lately, numerical soup that euphemises the deadly goings on in the Eastern DRC. Apparently all is well, now that the FARDC has defeated the M23 with the assistance of MONUSCO, which has been made more muscular by the introduction of the FIB following a resolution of the UNSC that saw the introduction of troops from SADC countries.</div>
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If you are still with me, then you will know that having sorted out the M23, which used to be the CNDP, the FARDC is now turning to engage other negative elements such as the FDLR, the ADF, NALU and M18.</div>
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I hope we are still together, because it is important for you to understand that the government of the DRC and the M23 may be signing a peace deal brokered under the umbrella of the ICGLR, and it is hoped that the fall out of the whole process will not lead any people being referred to the ICC or to a breakup of the EAC! <br style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;" />Under this veritable carpet of acronyms lies the huge African elephant called complete state failure. When are we going to call out this huge stinking beast by its true name?</div>
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The DRC is a failure and cannot do anything about defending, servicing and holding together its territory as a state without massive foreign intervention. We know that the foreign interventions may buy the various local and foreign actors in the DRC game time and help them magic “mission accomplished” banners out of their hats from time-to-time, but let’s be real, they are not sustainable.</div>
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Now some people may have issues with the local and regional actors, whose personal and regime fortunes may rise or fall depending on how a particular alphabetically tagged militia performs against another. But that is a distraction because the leaders that they are talking about will come and will go.</div>
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My concern here is that by the nearly universal wilful refusal to address the real issue, people – that is ordinary people – are doomed to live in cycles of extreme violence with nobody really caring about their fate except when that fate fits into some other non-Conglose agenda.</div>
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In trying to escape from the truth of the situation, a lot of store is placed on the fact that there are lots of valuable minerals in the DRC and regional actors are accused of arming militias as a means of controlling the looting of these minerals.</div>
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Even if this was true, one has to ask why the DRC’s own government has never been able to defend these minerals from regional looters. Let us remember that the 1966 Crisis in Uganda was partially triggered by a proposed inquiry into the looting of natural resources from the Eastern DRC, which threatened to implicate high ranking Ugandan politicians and military men at the time.<br style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;" />So, even if you buy into the simple looting scenario, the loot will always be there and only the names and acronyms of the agents of the looters will change unless and until something is done to address the fact that the DRC is, fundamentally and irreparably, a failure.</div>
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It is also important to note that none of the countries that are alleged to be involved in looting of natural resources of the DRC have mineral or other natural resource processing plants and none of them manufacture the kinds of weapons that we see being deployed by the various forces against each other and the ordinary population.</div>
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All the actors on the ground, seem to be pawns in a bigger supply-chain or natural resources turf war. We must follow the money and the arms to lead us to the real kingpins who make the real profit out of this deplorable state of affairs.</div>
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So instead of cheering the receding of a particular symptom and pretending that there will be no others, let us look at the real problem that ails the DRC and call it by its true name. The local, regional and international hypocrisy is costing lives.</div>
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<em style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">dfkm@afmpanga.co.ug</em><br style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;" /><em style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">twitter @dfkm1970</em></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-81773495310039411052013-11-14T13:31:00.000+01:002013-11-14T15:33:44.147+01:00WHAT TO MAKE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY'S DIPLOMACY OF LIES?<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">As we wait for our many spin doctors to explain to us what's next on the peace talks in Kampala, we can try to look at a few angles to the new stalemate of the DRC perennial crisis. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">1) Today all western powers represented by the different envoys who participated in the process, including MONUSCO, SANDF and the new kid on the block, Tanzania have told Kabila clearly: "we have fought your war in your place and we have, on your behalf, put your adversaries in a position to cease hostility. We've done it, you have not. So now go to Kampala and sign the agreement we have drawn up for both parties". Anyone who cared to read what Feingold has been saying has understood this scenario. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">2) Kabila refuses to sign. Now why are we not surprised? He never intended to and I have explained why in several earlier posts. The new angle to look at is that the International Community also knew he wasn't going to sign. One wonders then why did they wait in Entebbe on that big day that never was? The only explanation to their attitude is what I have already said: they are helping France to forge its destabilization of the region using the UN, under which all the other powers hide, and Kabila. That is the agenda now. Prepare to hear detractors finding fault with Uganda and Rwanda, because that is also part of their plans.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">3) Naive M23? You can think that, when you see that these guys complied with everything the international community demanded. They complied with the aim of peace and the effort allowing political solutions to be found. Today, they may be happy to see the international diplomacy of lies in its full nakedness. The different envoys they met so many times were just lying. It's clear today. They are still lying when they say the dialogue is still open. Sincerely I believe Mende in his vuvuzela style was quite categorical.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">4) Kinshasa's hollow triumphalism. Everybody, including the vultures, know that Kinshasa's triumphalism today is hollow. They are accusing Uganda because Kabila's cronies have a very short memory. They have already forgotten that if it wasn't because of his efforts they'd have lost Goma and who knows what else. When in trouble, they have to call upon others to rescue them. At this stage, they are hoping to either integrate the entire FARDC into MONUSCO-FIB-FDLR as the new national army, or we'll hear France sending troupes the way they did in 1994, or in Mali right now.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">5) What the media and spin doctors are not saying. a) About M23. The most parroted line is that M23 is dissolved. Some soldiers are in cantonment in Uganda. We are even given figures, certainly cooked figures because everyone is talking about "alleged" numbers. No one is telling us anything about those still on the ground in the DRC. But that silence is a good thing. It is saving the face of Ladsous mission that claimed to have uprooted M23 from North Kivu. b) About FDLR. No one is telling us anything about the heavy tension building up between these guys and their backers as well as FARDC. I won't say anything about them either, except the fact that Kobler and everything he represents have lied on that too. He is not about to attack them. Soon he will tell us that he needs another dialogue, maybe in Germany, to decide whether FIB could or should attack them since they have help defeat M23... We shall see.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">6) The small matter of an M23 réaliste. The incident happened yesterday. Kambasu Ngeve, Alidor Mutudi, Tchokwe, Baleke, Sendugu declared to be a different M23, been there, done that... They want to sign a declaration with Kinshasa. Haha. I hope they have been automatically ejected from the delegation. The cause of peace in North-Kivu and in the DRC in general will be defended by 50 loyal people rather than 2000 manipulated, or corrupt traitors. I haven't heard much about the incident, maybe tomorrow we will hear about it.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">You might find this interesting: </span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/12/opinion/dont-save-congo.html?_r=0"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/12/opinion/dont-save-congo.html?_r=0</span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-41544425651672438872013-11-12T11:13:00.002+01:002013-11-12T11:13:56.790+01:00NEWS ABOUT PEACE DEAL THAT FLOPPED<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">More to come:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<a href="http://chimpreports.com/index.php/news/14075-museveni-kiyonga-angry-over-drc-talks.html"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://chimpreports.com/index.php/news/14075-museveni-kiyonga-angry-over-drc-talks.html</span></a>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-44540422933901887282013-11-12T08:24:00.001+01:002013-11-12T08:24:12.108+01:00WHO SAID KINSHASA WOLD SIGN??<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Here we go, latest on the matter, sorry the text is in French:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Report de la cérémonie de signature d'un accord de paix entre le Gouvernement de la RDC et le Mouvement du 23 Mars</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
Le Gouvernement a voulu revenir sur le texte qui avait déjà été approuvé par les deux délégations en présence des envoyés spéciaux depuis le 04 Novembre 2013. A cette date, le Gouvernement de la RDC avait donné Mandat au facilitateur Dr. Crispus KIYONGA de parapher ce texte et d'en <span class="text_exposed_show" style="display: inline;">assurer la garde. Le texte avait été gardé en un seul exemplaire et était intitulé "Accord de paix entre le Gouvernement de la RDC et le Mouvement du 23 Mars".</span></div>
</span><span class="text_exposed_show" style="background-color: white; display: inline;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
Ce lundi, la délégation du Gouvernement congolais est arrivé à Kampala exigeant que le titre du texte soit changé en, d'abord, une déclaration et, ensuite, en Conclusion du Dialogue. Cette demande du Gouvernement était irrecevable étant donné que les débats été clos depuis le 04 Novembre 2013 et les autres étapes avant la signature de l'accord avaient déjà été franchies, notamment la déclaration de fin de rébellion faite par le M23, la déclaration du Gouvernement prenant acte de celle du M23 ainsi que le délai de 5 jours demandé par le gouvernement de la RDC pour préparer l'opinion à la signature de l'accord de paix. Ces étapes avaient aussi été approuvées par le sommet de la CIRGL-SADC du 05 Novembre 2013 au cours duquel le Gouvernement avait donné des garanties fermes qu'il signera un Accord de paix avec le Mouvement du 23 mars à la date indiquée.</div>
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<br /></div>
<span style="color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
La position du Gouvernement ce lundi 11 Novembre a donc énervé toutes les personnalités présentes dans la salle de la cérémonie au State House à Entebbe causant la sortie anticipée de la salle du Président YOWERI KAGUTA MUSEVENI qui aura attendu 1h30 durant la délégation gouvernementale de la RDC qui hésitait de s'y présenter.</div>
</span><div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span style="color: #898f9c; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
Enfin, c'est le Vice-président Ougandais Edward KIWANUKA SSEKANDI qui annoncera à l'assistance le report de la cérémonie à une date ultérieure. </div>
</span></span></span>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-45907659015981518172013-11-11T18:02:00.001+01:002013-11-11T18:05:22.611+01:00EVENING UPDATES<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">It seems that finally the Kinshasa government came but they want to change the name of the document to be signed. They are experts in creating distraction and the so called international community just lets them get away with it, hahah. No surprise there. Anyway, maybe someone has more recent development. Here is what I found a couple of minutes ago:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; line-height: 18px;"><i>17h 40': Les membres de la délégation</i></span></div>
<i><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; line-height: 18px;"></span></i><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; line-height: 18px;">gouvernementale sont en concertation après un</span></i></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;">
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
bref entretien avec le faciltateur Chrispus</div>
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
KIYONGA. Selon les sources dignes de foi, il est</div>
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
question du mot à accorder au document qui sera</div>
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
signé. La faciltation parle d'un accord de paix</div>
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
alors que le gouvernement de kinshasa impose</div>
</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-style: italic; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
son appelation: "Déclaration de fin de la guerre.</div>
</span></span><span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; line-height: 18px;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<div style="font-style: italic;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Attendons voir ce qui va se passer ce soir.</span></div>
<div style="font-style: italic;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Is the war finished with all the armed groups still active? FDLR getting impatient to be allowed to attack their own country from DRC after they played their part in subsituting FARDC in battles and fighting in the MONUSCO-FIB ranks? Tshibanda thinks the war is over!!</span></div>
</span>Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-51526610943954252032013-11-11T07:33:00.000+01:002013-11-11T07:33:11.999+01:00UN ACCORD A SIGNER DANS LE SANG???From a friend of the cause:<br />
<br />
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<b><span lang="FR" style="color: #984806; font-size: 36.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-themecolor: accent6; mso-themeshade: 128;"> Silence on tue !<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="FR" style="color: #984806; font-size: 36.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-themecolor: accent6; mso-themeshade: 128;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b><span lang="FR" style="color: #984806; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-themecolor: accent6; mso-themeshade: 128;">Assassinats ciblés et chasse à
l’homme en corollaire d’une fausse victoire. </span></b><b><span lang="FR" style="color: #984806; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-themecolor: accent6; mso-themeshade: 128;">Les actes de génocide en cours au
Nord-Kivu font-ils partie de la « solution politique » de la crise de
l’Est de la RDC qui se profile pour demain, lundi 11 novembre, à Kampala, avec
l’acte conclusif d’un <i>Accord de Paix</i>
signé part Kinshasa et les représentants du M23 ? </span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Pendant que la propagande de Kinshasa, relayée par les
médias du monde entier</span><span class="quoted1"><b><span lang="FR" style="color: red; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></b></span><span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">et par les
déclarations officielles des acteurs internationaux de la crise congolaise, bat
son plein autour de la « <i>victoire
militaire</i> » fictive</span></span><span class="quoted1"><b><span lang="FR" style="color: red; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></b></span><span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">des forces armées
gouvernementales (FARDC), les populations civiles des territoires jadis sous
contrôle du M23 sont décimées, harcelées et persécutées. Des Kibati à Kiwanja
et jusqu’à Bunagana, l’ancien fief de la rébellion située à la frontière
ougandaise, les cas ne se comptent plus, depuis une quinzaine de jours, de
tueries, tortures, pillages, viols, incendies et vols. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Un notable de Rutshuru,
Gustave Ndeze, vient d’être’ assassiné avec sa femme et ses quatre enfants. Son
frère, le Mwami Paul, un ancien délégué du M23 à Kampala, s’était réfugié en un
premier temps dans les bureaux de la mission onusienne (MONUSCO) avant d’en
être exfiltré par une équipe de militaires FARDC qui, selon plusieurs
témoignages, seraient en train de le torturer. Quoique sa responsabilité pénale
et morale de complicité en ces actes gravissimes de violation des droits de
l’homme est carrément engagée, Monsieur Kobler, responsable de la MONUSCO, ne
bronche pas devant l’ampleur des faits. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A Bunagana, le maire de la
cité a été tué et toutes ses affaires, y compris un troupeau de vaches, ont été
pillées. Il était accusé d’avoir des liens avec les rebelles et le même sort,
pour les mêmes raisons, a été réservé</span></span><span class="quoted1"><b><span lang="FR" style="color: red; font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></b></span><span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">à trois autres personnes.
Selon notre source sur place, les FARDC agissent en connivence avec des
militaires des forces armées sud-africaines (SANDF) dans des opérations
d’enlèvement et de déportation à Kinshasa de complices présumés du mouvement
rebelle. Le fils d’une autorité coutumière, Mzee Kanyabire, figure parmi les
disparus. Cette même pratique a lieu ailleurs dans le Nord Kivu : on en
signale onze cas à Kiwanja, dont celui de Papa Nyarubwa, celui du chef Modeste
Kabori à Bukoma et d’autres à Goma, où ce genre d’épisodes n’a jamais cessé
depuis la prise de la ville par les troupes de l’Armée Révolutionnaire
Congolaise en fin novembre dernier. De Tchegerero, une femme, Marie Subutozi,
nous signale l’assassinat de sa sœur. A Kibaya, une femme de nom Nyiramakuza a
été violée puis tuée par un groupe nourri de militaires congolais et
tanzaniens, pendant que des soldats sud-africains assistaient au crime. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Si nous avons décidé que de
citer les cas qui nous ont été directement signalés, il est aussi certain que
ce phénomène est d’une extension largement supérieure à ce qu’on a pu détailler
ici. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Or, le déroulement des faits,
le caractère ciblé des victimes, toutes appartenant à la communauté rwandophone
du Nord Kivu, l’insistance dans l’utilisation du viol comme arme de guerre et
l’identité des auteurs des crimes, tous faisant partie des diverses forces
militaires de la coalition opposée au M23 et systématiquement appuyés par des
groupes de civils, ne laissent pas de doutes sur la préméditation de tels
actes, planifiés dans un cadre stratégique bien précis. Et dont la mise en
résidence surveillée dans une villa de Kinshasa des hauts gradés rwandophones
loyalistes (on cite les généraux Salongo, Kabundi et Ruhorimbere) est également
un élément essentiel… <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Il s’agit d’une forme
particulière de quadrillage de l’espace et d’embrigadement de forces civiles
(comme les Interahamwe rwandaises…) pour contrecarrer l’action d’un mouvement
d’opposition. Ce dispositif, qui cible avant tout un « <i>ennemi intérieur</i> », la communauté
tutsie dans ce cas, s’inscrit forcement dans la logique du génocide et est
emblématique de la doctrine française de la « <i>guerre révolutionnaire</i> », dont la définition ambigüe en dit long
sur la tentative de dissimulation d’un but qui demeure l’extermination d’une
partie de la population. Comme en Algérie, à l’époque de la décolonisation, et
comme au Rwanda, pendant le génocide de 1994. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">La présence de militaires
français dans cette guerre grise du Kivu est d’autre part avérée. Pendant les
séances des pourparlers de Kampala qui ont eu lieu du 16 au 21 octobre, le
général français Bailloud, systématiquement repris en photo avec son uniforme
dans les couloirs de l’Hôtel Munyono, a joué un rôle de premier plan avec celui
du pool des 5 envoyés (ONU, MONUSCO, UE, UA, USA). Le haut gradé a la renommée
d’être un théoricien de ce que l’on appelle « <i>l’approche globale</i> », une méthode d’intervention militaire
indissociable de la mobilisation des médias, des Ong et des fonctionnaires de
la ‘société civile’. Ce qui s’est passé au Kivu et qui se passe maintenant en
forme d’actes de génocide caractérisés, et cela dans le silence assourdissant
de la dite ‘communauté internationale’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="quoted1"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Le forces impériales ont fait
preuve, dans la gestion du dossier Est de la RDC, d’une cohésion remarquable
qui a eu le dessus sur les divergences qui ont pu sembler opposer Paris et Washington.
Les mêmes sont par conséquent complices ou commanditaires de ces actes, qui
n’arrêtent pas d’endeuiller la région depuis 20 ans, et qu’à l’heure actuelle,
sont couverts par une omerta unanime. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-54721436851734089332013-11-10T13:26:00.002+01:002013-11-10T13:32:11.890+01:00WHO KNOWS WHAT WILL BE SIGNED IN KAMPALA TOMORROW?<div style="text-align: justify;">
O<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">n 8th November, Mende told us it will be a simple declaration. In no uncertain terms, he insisted it was out of question to sign any agreement with a self-dissolved rebellion, entirely and definitively defeated by government forces. We know it was not the government forces and we know there was no defeat but a withdrawal. The loquacious Mende took the chance he had with so many microphones to assert that Kinshasa never went to Kampala to sign any agreement of any sort. He even took his tiny revenge on journalists reminding them that he told them so all along and they did not take him seriously. Now they should see that M23 is a defunct entity and, for goodness sake, who would ever sign an agreement with a non existent entity. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">On that same day, we had governor Paluku introducing in this expectation moment another bit of confusion. His was about the number of M23 fighters in Uganda. After doing his maths, certainly with Kobler ' boys help, he says the Ugandan government spokesman has lied about the number of M23 fighters in Uganda. According to the governor calculations, only 100 or 150 M23 should be in Uganda. With this he is directly accusing the Ugandan government of inflating numbers, you can guess the reason he's giving for that.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However these were not the only declarations given by Congolese officials on the 8th November. We also had Raymond Tshibanda speaking from Paris and announcing that his government will be signing, guess what???? An agreement with who??? M23 in Kampala. I wonder what Mende has to say about this declaration, will he retract, will he confirm his colleague's take? It would be nice to hear him before tomorrow. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">So going by what these gentlemen say, we cannot possibly know what will be signed, if ever. But we know that the vultures have never been keener on their pray now. Since they cannot hit at Rwanda as they have been used to do, and they cannot deny Uganda's efforts since November 2012, we have to watch out and see how they are planning to save their Kabila. An indication of what he is able to do to please them can be found here. I usually don't agree a lot with the author of this article, but he often dares to bring to consideration things other Congolese prefer not to touch: </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://www.congoindependant.com/article.php?articleid=8438">http://www.congoindependant.com/article.php?articleid=8438</a>. The only thing we can conclude is that the vultures are once again going to determine in which direction the DRC has to go. It is frustrating that they had all these months going around the political problems that cause the crisis in the East DRC, and they can still step on them to promote their own interests. I don't know the inside story, but I see their stand in the way they really want to deprive CIGLR of its own means to help solve local problems. I'm no fan of Kagame or Museveni, but I have to objectively ackowledge that they should be joined by other East African heads of state in a bid to solve the DRC crisis. They have legitimate security concerns in area, no matter what their detractors see or say. I do not see why the UN, EU, or USA and France should have more security concerns than they do in this part of the world. Let's hope what ever is in the agreement can offer an opportunity for our people to claim their space under the sun. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In all this confusing mess, it is unbelievable not to hear the voice of the rais in Kinshasa. He sleeps tight knowing the father of his business manager in TZ, Kikwete, is watching and fighting for him, so is Zuma and now, Jack Rosen with Gecamines.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">What we are witnessing in North Kivu now is that the so called "victory" of FARDC has established a de facto and de iure (Addis agreement + res 2098) UN protectorate in the area previously under the control of M23. The meaning of this protectorate is none other than the exploitation of so much of local energy resources, mining and agricultural potential under the guise of a peace mission and a brigade of intervention. Tanzanian and South-African forces were joined recently by Belgian Para-troupers and all this is being nicely orchestrated by French army men and French UN diplomats who started this mess way back with the former president of Rwanda under the UN supervision and Mobutu's complicity. The UN bias in this has a long history as you can see. It is the same bias that has created the narrative that tends to blame Rwanda and Uganda for everything that goes wrong in the DRC. The time of this narrative, despite all the International community has invested in it, is coming to an end. When the immoral exploitation of people reaches this extent, even empires come down by themselves. So my people, patience, the near bankrupt US has its years counted. We should not fear it. We should fear our weariness and frustration because they will affect our determination to fight.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">While the geopolitical and resource interests in the DRC have mobilised the Western powers against any local voice to claim our right to survive, we should be driven by the determination to assert our heritage and not allow ourselves to mortgage our future generations. The moral weight of such determination is lacking in our enemies. It has even disappeared in most Congolese people: we must keep it alive. No matter what is signed in Kampala tomorrow, the struggle goes on. Let Kabila vuvuzelas contradict themselves. Their contradictions only tell you they are being paid by different pockets!!!</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-86080842918202957672013-11-09T08:19:00.001+01:002013-11-09T08:19:26.263+01:00JOB CUT OUT FOR MARTIN KOBLER<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">While Raymond Tshibanda is preparing to go sign the peace agreement with M23 on behalf of the Congolese government, our interest should remain on "<i>le nouveau garçon de course de Hervé Ladsous", </i>Mr. Martin Kobler who has promised to defeat all armed groups in the DRC. As we wait to see how he does it, FARDC assisted by FIB and FDLR are raping, killing and looting from Kibati to Bunagana. The list of the victims is growing by the hour. Of course no International Media will say anything about that, and much less our spin doctors and the guys from HRW or ICG.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The job cut out for Mr Kobler is well described in this article from the interesting Congoindependant website:</span></div>
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Les groupes armés dans l’Est du Congo-Kinshasa</div>
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<b>Après la "disparition" de la rébellion du M23, à combien s’élève le nombre des groupes armés qui opèrent dans les provinces congolaises du Nord et du Sud Kivu, du Katanga et dans la Province Orientale? Diverses sources parlent d’une quarantaine d’organisations dont quatre groupes dissidents étiquetés "FDLR" (Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda). Des analystes sont d’avis qu’il est "peu probable" que l’éradication de la rébellion pro-rwandaise du M23 entraîne le retour de la paix dans la partie orientale du Congo en général et dans les provinces du Kivu en particulier. Il s’avère que pas moins de quarante organisations armées sont présentes à l’Est. Le projet Enough - qui lutte contre le génocide - en a fait l’inventaire. L’instabilité à l’Est du Congo a entraîné le déplacement de près de trois millions des personnes. Des réfugiés de l’intérieur. Des experts onusiens redoutent une catastrophe humanitaire. </b></div>
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<b>Ci-après la liste des bandes armées établie par le projet "Enough" : </b><br /><br /><br /><b>M23</b><br /><br />La rébellion M23 a vu le jour en avril 2012, lorsque des centaines de soldats - des Tutsis pour l’essentiel - ont déserté des FARDC (l’armée congolaise) sous la direction de Gen Bosco Ntaganda en raison de mauvaises conditions de vie et de salaire. La plupart étaient d’anciens membres du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), une administration rebelle pro-Tutsis. En 2009, le CNDP a signé un accord avec le gouvernement, que les mutins reprochaient à Kinshasa de ne pas appliquer pleinement. Le M23 tient son nom du 23 mars 2009, date du traité de paix entre le CNDP et le gouvernement congolais.<br /><br />Les affrontements entre le M23 et les FARDC ont provoqué le déplacement de plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes au Nord-Kivu, et contraint plusieurs dizaines de milliers d’autres à fuir au Rwanda et en Ouganda. Les deux camps ont été accusés de graves violations des droits humains, aussi bien l’un envers l’autre qu’à l’encontre des civils, et les groupes de défense des droits parlent même de crimes de guerre.<br /><br />En décembre 2012, le M23 a brièvement occupé Goma, le chef-lieu de la province du Nord-Kivu. « Officiellement, le M23 souhaite plus de gouvernance, de sécurité, de démocratisation et de développement pour le pays. Dernièrement, ils ont publiquement demandé l’amnistie, ainsi que leur réintégration militaire et politique », précise le rapport du projet Enough.<br /><br />Selon ce même projet, les troupes du M23 avoisineraient les 1 500 hommes. D’autres sources mentionnent 1 700 à 2 000 hommes.<br /><br />« L’injection de nouveaux Casques bleus plus tôt cette année, investis d’un mandat plus strict pour combattre activement les rebelles [du M23] semble avoir inversé la tendance », a dit Gabriel Gatehouse, correspondant pour la BBC.<br /><br /><b>Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR)</b><br /><br />Les FDLR ont été formées par quelques-uns des acteurs clés du génocide rwandais de 1994, exilés en RDC à la suite des massacres.<br /><br />Leur chef, le général de division Sylvestre Mudacumura, a été inculpé pour crimes de guerre par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI).<br /><br />« Les FDLR souffrent de divisions internes et d’une hiérarchie fragile, incapable de diriger et de contrôler la totalité des opérations de l’organisation », a dit M. Vogel.<br /><br />Le groupe – qui compterait environ 1 500 hommes – s’est affaibli au premier semestre 2013, avec une baisse de ses effectifs attribuée à un important taux de reddition, indique le rapport de mi-mandat du groupe d’experts des Nations Unies pour l’année 2013.<br /><br />Toujours selon ce rapport, la direction des FDLR est divisée entre des jusqu’au-boutistes - tels que Mudacumura - souhaitant poursuivre la lutte armée, et des modérés d’une génération plus jeune en faveur de la démobilisation et la réintégration.<br /><br />Cela fait 15 à 20 ans que les FDLR sont impliquées dans des violations des droits humains et l’exploitation illicite de ressources naturelles. Elles sont toujours en activité dans certaines régions des territoires de Masisi, Walikale, Sud-Lubero et Rutshuru.<br /><br /><b>Quelques factions dissidentes des FDLR</b><br /><br />1) Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda/Rassemblement uni pour la démocratie (FDLR-Rud)<br /><br />Le groupe, dirigé par le brigadier-général Jean Damascène Ntibabagije (« Musare ») rassemble entre 400 et 600 hommes, essentiellement des Hutus. Il a ratifié des accords de non-agression avec différents groupes et tolère le M23, selon le rapport du projet Enough publié en d’août. Le groupe opère du côté du territoire du Sud-Lubero, avec de vastes positions dans le nord-est du territoire de Rutshuru. Il se livre au commerce de minéraux, de bois et de charbon, ainsi qu’à la taxation illégale et au braconnage.<br /><br /><b>2) FDLR-Soki</b><br /><br />Les FDLR-Soki, dont le chef - le « colonel » Soki – a été tué par le M23 en juillet, totalisent 60 à 100 membres, surtout des Hutus. D’après le projet Enough, le groupe est connu pour ses activités de banditisme dans le nord du territoire de Rutshuru, au Nord-Kivu.<br /><br /><b>3) FDLR-Foca</b><br /><br />Cette faction menée par le général de division Mudacumura compte de 1 500 à 5 000 hommes, dont certains auteurs du génocide rwandais de 1994, indique le projet Enough. Elle est active dans l’est du Rutshuru, et est accusée de violations des droits humains et d’exploitation illicite de ressources naturelles. Elle compte le M23 parmi ses ennemis.<br /><br /><b>4) FDLR Mandevu</b><br /><br />Dirigés par le « colonel » Mandevu, le groupe, qui s’est détaché des FDLR-Foca en 2010, se serait rallié au M23 et est opposé aux FARDC.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Hilaire</b> (Union pour la réhabilitation de la démocratie au Congo – URDC)<br /><br />L’URDC est une milice alliée du M23, dirigée par un transfuge des FARDC, le « brigadier-général » Paluku Kombi Hilaire. Constituée en 2012, elle compte environ 300 hommes, majoritairement d’ethnie nande. L’URDC a également signé des alliances avec les Forces démocratiques alliées d’Ouganda (ADF-Nalu) et les Maï Maï Morgan (voir plus bas), rapporte le projet Enough.<br /><br />L’URDC représente les hommes politiques et d’affaires opposés au gouvernement central, selon le rapport du groupe d’experts, qui précise que l’organisation opère en territoire de Beni, au Nord-Kivu.<br /><br />Le groupe est soupçonné d’enlèvements d’enfants et d’adultes à Beni depuis le début de l’année 2013. Certains évadés et d’anciennes victimes d’enlèvement ont révélé au groupe d’experts avoir suivi un entraînement militaire, tandis que d’autres ont été contraints au travail forcé.<br /><br />L’URDC s’approvisionne en armes et en munitions auprès des FARDC (en les achetant ou en attaquant et en pillant des positions de l’armée) ; du M23 ; et de trafiquants ougandais, note le rapport du groupe d’experts.<br /><br /><b>Raia Mutomboki</b><br /><br />Les Raia Mutomboki (« citoyens en colère »), eux aussi alliés au M23, forment le plus grand corps armé du Sud-Kivu, d’après le projet Usalama.<br /><br />Les Raia Mutomboki ont été créés en territoire de Shabunda (Sud-Kivu) en 2005, par un transfuge de l’armée régulière, le pasteur Jean Musumbu, en réponse aux massacres des FDLR. L’organisation se compose de différents groupes dirigés par des chefs locaux et des déserteurs des FARDC. De milice paroissiale, le groupe a évolué en milice violente déployée sur de vastes territoires du Nord et du Sud-Kivu, profitant des brèches des différents accords de paix en vigueur dans l’est de la RDC, dit le rapport Usalama.<br /><br />« Les Raia Mutomboki sont avant tout une réaction à la présence des Interahamwe, aujourd’hui ralliés aux FDLR, à l’origine de ravages dans une grande partie de l’est du Congo. [Ils] sont organisés en milices d’autodéfense localisées qui ont tenté de contrer la menace des FDLR aussi violemment que possible, y compris [par le biais] de graves violations des droits humains telles que des homicides arbitraires, des attaques contre des individus tributaires non armés, ou des exécutions », a dit à IRIN Christoph Vogel, attaché Mercator et analyste spécialiste de la RDC.<br /><br />Depuis 2011, les Raia Mutomboki se sont rapidement développés dans les Kivus, note le rapport du groupe d’experts. En mars 2013, Mutuza Kasapa - le chef des Raia Mutomboki à Shabunda – a dit au groupe d’experts que la milice n’abandonnerait pas les hostilités tant qu’il resterait des rwandophones dans les Kivus. Le rapport a documenté le soutien du M23 à certaines factions des Raia Mutomboki dans le territoire de Masisi au sud du Nord-Kivu.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Sheka (Nduma Defence of Congo – NDC)</b><br /><br />Fin octobre, la Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en RDC (MONUSCO) a condamné les attaques des Maï Maï Sheka (parfois en collaboration avec les Raia Mutomboki) dans certaines régions du territoire de Masisi au Nord-Kivu, dont le bilan s’élève à dix morts dont des enfants.<br /><br />La milice a été formée en 2009 par Ntabo Ntaberi Sheka, un négociant en minéraux établi, dans le territoire de Walikale au Nord-Kivu. Elle totalise entre 150 et 180 combattants, essentiellement des déserteurs et des jeunes, selon le projet Enough.<br /><br />Le « général » Sheka s’est autrefois allié à l’ancien chef du CNDP (également chef du M23 par la suite) Gen Bosco Ntaganda, actuellement jugé à la Cour pénale internationale (CPI). En 2011, les Nations Unies ont désigné Sheka pour dessanctions ciblées.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Kifuafua</b><br /><br />La faction Kifuafua, dont les combattants sont pour l’essentiel issus des communautés Batembo, Bahunde et Bayanga, est active dans le sud du territoire de Masisi (Nord-Kivu). Elle se targue de protéger les intérêts « indigènes » contre les groupes rwandophones prétendument étrangers. Lors de la guerre civile de 1998-2003, les Maï Maï Kifuafua ont combattu le Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie soutenu par le Rwanda (et son successeur le CNDP), ainsi que le RCD-Goma (qui a dirigé le Nord-Kivu en tant que mandataire du gouvernement rwandais de 1998 à 2003), selon le rapport du mois d’avril de Small Arms Survey.<br /><br /><b>Forces de défense locale Busumba (FDL)</b><br /><br />Erasto Ntibaturama, une figure influente de l’ethnie hutue dans le nord du territoire de Masisi (Nord-Kivu), a formé les FDL en 2005. L’organisation compte plus d’une cinquantaine de combattants hutus et serait alliée au M23, selon le projet Enough. Ce dernier ajoute que M. Ntibaturama aurait aidé d’anciens combattants du CNDP à s’approprier des terres et à étendre l’influence du M23 à Masisi. Le rapport du groupe d’experts indique qu’il a envoyé son fils en soutien au M23.<br /><br /><b>Front de défense du Congo (FDC)</b><br /><br />Le Front de défense du Congo fut initialement fondé en 2012 comme force de défense locale contre les troupes des FDLR et des FARDC sous le commandement du « général » Butu Luanda, un ancien officier du CNDP.<br /><br />Le FDC a participé à plusieurs opérations cruciales contre la direction des FDLR dans les régions de Ntoto et Kimua en janvier et février 2012, selon le rapport du groupe d’experts. Ce dernier ajoute que M. Luanda a travaillé en étroite collaboration avec M. Ntaganda du M23, qui lui apportait son soutien financier, des armes et des munitions.<br /><br /><b>Union des patriotes congolais pour la paix (UPCP/FPC)</b><br /><br />Établie en 2012, l’UPCP est une coalition de factions Maï Maï et de transfuges des FARDC menée par le « général » Kakule Vasaka Sikulikyolo Lafontaine. Forte de 500 à 600 hommes – des Nande pour la plupart – elle est active dans les environs du Lubero, au Nord-Kivu, rapporte le projet Enough. L’UPCP a pour ambition de former une coalition de groupes armés pour renverser le gouvernement congolais, est-il précisé.<br /><br />Le projet Enough ajoute que l’UPCP a aidé d’anciens officiers du CNDP à déserter l’armée nationale qu’elle considère comme son pire ennemi. Le groupe est tristement réputé pour ses activités d’extraction d’or dans le Sud-Lubero, au côté des FDLR-Rud.<br /><br /><b>Mouvement d’action pour le changement (MAC)</b><br /><br />Le MAC, dont l’ambition est de contrer l’avancée du M23 en territoire Masisi, a été formé par une faction de guides et de porteurs locaux en différend avec M. Ntaganda (suite à sa défection des FARDC pour former le M23), indique le rapport du projet Enough<br /><br />Il est dirigé par le lieutenant-colonel Bwira, un ancien commandant des FARDC issu de la communauté hunde. Ses effectifs se composent de 80 à 300 hommes, d’ethnie hunde et nyanga pour la plupart. Il collabore avec d’autres groupes armés comme l’APCLS, les FARDC et les Nyatura.<br /><br /><b>Mouvement populaire d’autodéfense (MPA)</b><br /><br />Le MPA se compose de 500 membres – essentiellement des transfuges des FARDC d’ethnie hutue – qui ont quitté l’armée en 2011 en raison d’un sentiment de marginalisation de la part d’anciens officiers du CNDP. Dirigée par le colonel Ndagijimana Basabose, l’organisation prétend protéger les intérêts des Hutus contre les anciens officiers du CNDP et les opérations du M23 en territoire Rutshuru. Elle entretient des liens avec différents groupes armés, indique le projet Enough.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Morgan</b><br /><br />Les Maï Maï Morgan sont dirigés par Paul Sadala, alias Morgan, et opèrent dans les territoires de Mambasa et Bafwasende (Province Orientale). La faction compte plusieurs dizaines de combattants, qui agissent en petits groupes à partir de camps itinérants, selon le rapport des Nations Unies. Elle gonfle régulièrement ses rangs avec des alliés de l’URDC de Hilaire (voir plus haut) et des Maï Maï Simba (voir plus bas), ainsi qu’avec des recrues venues de Kisangani, ajoute le rapport.<br /><br />Les troupes de Morgan se sont rendues coupables d’atrocités, notamment d’enlèvements, de cannibalisme et d’esclavage sexuel lors de raids contre des villages et des mines. D’anciens prisonniers ont rapporté au groupe d’experts qu’à diverses reprises, le groupe de Morgan s’était adonné au cannibalisme et avait tué ou blessé des gens par le feu.<br /><br />Morgan se livre de longue date au braconnage d’éléphants dans l’enceinte et aux alentours de la Réserve naturelle d’Okapi, précise le rapport du groupe d’experts. Les attaques des FARDC ont causé le morcèlement du groupe de Morgan en plusieurs petites bandes criminelles armées.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Simba</b><br /><br />Les Maï Maï Simba (également connus sous le nom d’« Armée populaire de libération nationale congolaise-Lumumba/APLNC-Lumumba) - dont les origines remontent à 1964 - seraient le plus ancien groupe armé congolais, d’après le projet Enough. Il est dirigé par les « généraux » Mando Mazero et Lucien Simba.<br /><br />Composé de 150 à 200 hommes, le groupe opère dans les provinces Orientale et de Maniema. Selon le projet Enough, il aurait collaboré avec des éléments des FARDC, des Maï Maï Morgan, des Raia Mutomboki, et du NDC de Sheka. Son objectif est de remodeler la RDC conformément aux idées politiques du premier président Patrice Lubumba sur l’unification.<br /><br /><b>Forces démocratiques alliées (ADF-Nalu)</b><br /><br />L’ADF-Nalu est un groupe rebelle islamiste de direction ougandaise, qui opère au nord-ouest de la chaîne du Ruwenzori, non loin du territoire de Beni (RDC). Son chef suprême, Jamil Mukulu, est un chrétien converti à l’islam qui a fondé l’ADF-Nalu en 1995 dans l’objectif d’instaurer un état islamique en Ouganda.<br /><br />C’est l’un des groupes les plus anciens – et pourtant l’un des plus méconnus – de la RDC. Il totalise environ 1 200 combattants. Début 2013 en Ouganda, le groupe a tenté d’augmenter ses effectifs avec de nouvelles recrues et par le biais d’enlèvements, indique le rapport d’experts. L’ADF-Nalu a recruté en RDC en 2013, et mené une série d’enlèvements de ressortissants congolais, est-il ajouté.<br /><br />En juillet, les troupes de l’ADF-Nalu et des FARDC se sont affrontées dans la région de Kamango, à l’extrême nord du Nord-Kivu, provoquant la fuite de milliers de personnes en Ouganda.<br /><br />« L’ADF-Nalu entretient des liens avec Al-Qaida, qui entretient des liens avec Al-Chabab »<br />Les experts des Nations Unies étudient les liens potentiels entre l’ADF-Nalu et le groupe militant somalien Al-Chabab. Les allégations émises à ce sujet laissent craindre deviolentes réactions antimusulmanes à Beni.<br /><br />« L’ADF-Nalu entretient des liens avec Al-Qaida, qui entretient des liens avec Al-Chabab. Ils ont été entraînés sur des engins explosifs improvisés », a dit à IRIN le porte-parole de l’armée ougandaise, le lieutenant-colonel Paddy Ankunda. Ses troupes comptent 800 à 1 200 combattants, essentiellement de l’ethnie nande.<br /><br /><b>L’Armée de résistance du Seigneur (LRA)</b><br /><br />Fondée dans le nord de l’Ouganda en 1987, la LRA est dirigée par Joseph Kony, inculpé par la CPI. Elle est tristement célèbre pour sa brutalité et le recrutement forcé de milliers d’enfants.<br /><br />Ses derniers agissements en Ouganda remontent à 2006 ; le groupe opère désormais – avec quelques centaines de combattants seulement – dans le nord de la RDC, le Sud-Soudan et la République centrafricaine, où quelque 353 000 personnes sont déplacées par crainte d’une attaque de la LRA.<br /><br />Les archives d’IRIN comportent des centaines d’articles au sujet de la LRA.<br /><br /><b>Forces nationales de libération (FNL)</b><br /><br />Aujourd’hui, les FNL sont principalement un parti politique d’opposition burundais. De son passé de groupe rebelle subsistent quelques factions armées qui continuent d’agir dans certaines zones de Magunda et Ruhuha, sur le plateau d’Uvira au Sud-Kivu. Isidore Nibizi a succédé à Agathon Rwasa à la tête des FNL, dont le « général » Aloys Nzamapema assure le commandement militaire.<br /><br />Cependant, le rapport des Nations Unies mentionne que les FNL se sont divisées et affaiblies depuis le début de l’année 2013. Il ajoute que le groupe a conduit des raids en RDC et au Burundi pour recruter de jeunes hommes par la force et s’approvisionner en nourriture.<br /><br />D’après M. Muller, du projet Enough, « les FNL ont tenté de reprendre des forces au Sud-Kivu pour mener des attaques au Burundi ».<br /><br />Fin janvier 2013, les troupes des FNL et des FDLR (voir plus haut) se sont ralliées pour combattre un groupe armé (que le rapport d’experts n’identifie pas) dans la région de Masango, au Sud-Kivu, où des maisons et des écoles ont été brûlées.<br /><br />Pour M. Musamba, chercheur à l’université de Bukavu, le problème des FNL doit être traité en interne au Burundi et à l’échelle régionale dans le cadre de la Conférence internationale sur la région des Grands Lacs (CIRGL).<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Yakutumba</b><br /><br />Le blog Congo Siasa rapporte que les Maï Maï Yakutumba sont un groupe important au Sud-Kivu, en particulier dans le territoire de Fizi.<br /><br />Fondée en 2007, la milice tient son nom de son chef militaire, le « général de division » William Amuri Yakutumba. Son aile politique, le Parti pour l’action et la reconstruction du Congo (PARC), est dirigée par Raphael Looba Undji. MM. Yakutumba et Undji sont tous deux des intellectuels diplômés de l’université, selon le blog Congo Siasa.<br /><br />Dans ce même blog, Judith Verweijen écrit : « Il semblerait qu’à l’origine, ils n’étaient pas impliqués dans des activités économiques et criminelles à grande échelle, mais qu’ils se finançaient essentiellement par le biais de contributions communautaires et d’extorsions à petite échelle, auprès des pêcheurs et commerçants du lac de Tanganyika et dans les mines d’or artisanales de Fizi ».<br /><br />« La collaboration entre les Yakutumba et les FNL illustre à quel point la violence en RDC continue d’être influencée par des dynamiques régionales et est alimentée par des réseaux militarisés transfrontaliers »<br />« Cependant, depuis que le mouvement a commencé à collaborer avec les FNL en 2010, ses activités sur le lac ont pris une tout autre dimension ; ils se livrent désormais à la contrebande à grande échelle et à l’extorsion systématique du trafic maritime ».<br /><br />« La collaboration entre les Yakutumba et les FNL illustre à quel point la violence en RDC continue d’être influencée par des dynamiques régionales et est alimentée par des réseaux militarisés transfrontaliers », a-t-elle indiqué.<br /><br />D’après le rapport du projet Usalama, les FNL et les Yakutumba recrutent tous deux parmi les réfugiés congolais et burundais en Tanzanie.<br /><br /><b>Maï Maï Nyatura</b><br /><br />« Formés en 2010, les Maï Maï Nyatura sont une milice congolaise hutue qui collabore avec les FDLR et les FARDC contre le M23. […] Le groupe prétend protéger les intérêts des Hutus contre les anciens officiers du CNDP et le M23 », rapporte le projet Enough.<br /><br />« Les Nyatura sont engagés dans des confrontations en tant que groupe autonome, mais également avec quelques sous-groupes agissant pour le compte de l’armée congolaise », a dit M. Vogel.<br /><br />Les Maï Maï Nyatura ont été accusés (à l’instar du M23 et des FDLR) de violations des droits humains, y compris du recrutement d’enfants soldats.<br /><br />En 2012, certaines factions des Nyatura ont intégré les FARDC. Le groupe, qui a attaqué des convois du M23 par le passé, s’est récemment affronté avec l’APCLS à Masisi.<br /><br /><b>Forces de défense des intérêts du peuple congolais (FDIPC)</b><br /><br />L’objectif des FDIPC était de chasser le M23 du territoire de Rutshuru (dont les forces gouvernementales se sont emparées le 27 octobre). Le projet Enough rapporte que la milice, formée en avril 2013, compte environ 250 membres - des Hutus de Rutshuru et Kiwandja pour l’essentiel.<br /><br />« Le groupe est célèbre pour ses embuscades meurtrières contre les convois militaires du M23 dans le fief des rebelles. Les civils sont la cible du gros des attaques menées en représailles par le M23. Aucun effort n’est en cours pour intégrer les FDIPC à l’armée nationale congolaise », a dit M. Muller du projet Enough.<br /><br /><b>Alliance des patriotes pour un Congo libre et souverain (APCLS)</b><br /><br />Dirigée par le « général » Janvier Buingo Karayiri – un transfuge des FARDC – l’APCLS a été créée en 2008 pour faire face à la menace perçue du CNDP contre la communauté hunde, rapporte le projet Enough.<br /><br />L’APCLS, qui interagit avec certaines factions des FARDC, des FDLR-Foca et des Nyatura, a également agit pour le compte d’autres factions des FARDC contre le M23, indique le projet Enough. Le groupe, qui totalise environ 1 500 hommes, serait impliqué dans l’extraction de tantale (utilisé dans les téléphones portables) à Masisi.<br /><br />D’après le rapport des Nations Unies, l’intégration aux FARDC de quelques rebelles de l’APCLS à Kitchanga (Masisi) a été perturbée à la suite de violents affrontements avec l’armée aux mois de février et mars. Les combats ont entraîné le déplacement temporaire d’environ 100 000 personnes, et les deux camps ont commis de graves violations des droits humains, notamment des attaques ciblées contre des civils, ajoute le rapport.<br /><br />L’APCLS s’est affrontée aux Maï Maï Sheka. « En territoire Masisi, une variété de groupes armés sont très actifs dans l’ombre des confrontations entre FARDC et M23 à l’est. Les affrontements récents entre l’APCLS de Janvier et le NDC de Sheka ont causé un déplacement massif et laissé plusieurs petites villes anéanties par les flammes », a dit M. Vogel à IRIN.<br /><br /><b>Coalition des groupes armés de l’Ituri (COGAI)/MRPC</b><br /><br />La COGAI est un rassemblement d’organisations ayant pour ambition d’unifier les milices du district d’Ituri (Province Orientale). Menée par le « brigadier-général » Justin Banaloki (alias Cobra Matata) - également à la tête des FRPI (voir plus bas) - la COGAI a été établie en 2012, note le projet Enough. Elle compte quelque 800 membres et contrôle certaines zones à l’est et au sud du territoire d’Irumu (Ituri).<br /><br />Le premier chef de la COGAI, Germain Katanga, est actuellement jugé par la CPI. « La COGAI de Matata a déstabilisé l’Ituri en 2012, mais a été affaiblie par les opérations des FARDC. Elle a échoué à s’attirer le soutien de la majorité de la communauté hema », a dit à IRIN M. Muller du projet Enough.<br /><br /><b>Forces de résistance patriotiques en Ituri (FRPI)</b><br /><br />Les FRPI sont une sous-division de la COGAI, dirigée elle aussi par Cobra Matata.<br /><br />Peu de progrès ont été enregistrés, que ce soit pour intégrer les FRPI aux FARDC ou les contrecarrer, note le rapport des Nations Unies. Le groupe souhaite parvenir à un accord avec le gouvernement central, dans l’esprit de celui ratifié avec le CNDP et d’autres groupes armés le 23 mars 2009.<br /><br />« Les dirigeants des FRPI affirment que leurs principaux objectifs sont d’intégrer les FARDC à leur grade [autoproclamé] actuel, de rester en Ituri et que le gouvernement libère et accorde l’amnistie aux rebelles FRPI faits prisonniers », a dit M. Vogel à IRIN.<br /><br />« Depuis fin août, [les FRPI] se sont affrontées avec l’armée congolaise, entraînant le déplacement de milliers de personnes. Du fait de leur engagement contre les FARDC, ils portent la responsabilité partagée du déplacement de dizaines de milliers de personnes dans la région de Gety ».<br /><br />Les FRPI continuent en outre de harceler les gens, de collecter des taxes illégales et de se livrer à l’extraction artisanale d’or et au pillage.<br /><br /><b>Kata Katanga</b><br /><br />Kata Katanga (« Détachez le Katanga » en swahili) est un groupe armé à la structure imprécise, composé d’individus et de groupes militant pour l’indépendance de la province de Katanga, au sud-est de la RDC, selon le rapport d’experts.<br /><br />Kyungu Mutanga (« Gédéon ») est le principal chef des régions de Manono, Mitwaba et Pweto. Il est allié avec l’aile armée de la Coordination pour le référendum et l’autodétermination du Katanga, précise le rapport.<br /><br />Fin 2012 et début 2013, les affrontements entre le groupe et les FARDC à Katanga se sont soldés par de graves violations des droits humains et des infractions au droit international humanitaire. La violence à Katanga est caractérisée par des massacres, des exécutions sommaires, des attaques ethniquement ciblées, des assassinats par le feu et la destruction par le feu de maisons et de propriétés, ajoute le rapport d’experts.<br /><br />« Ils [les Kata Katanga] se sont tristement distingués par l’ampleur des violations des droits humains commises dans le « triangle de la mort » formé par Pweto, Manono et Kalemie, où ils ont brûlé des villages entiers et l’insigne de l’État congolais », a dit M. Vogel à IRIN.<br /><br />Les Kata Katanga prétendent recruter de nouveaux membres, auxquels ils dispensent un entraînement militaire. De l’avis de M. Bussy, de l’université de Bukavu, le groupe comprend des radicaux impliqués dans le recrutement d’enfants soldats dans la province de Katanga.<br /><br />Suite à une incursion avortée à Lubumbashi, le chef-lieu de la province de Katanga, en mars, des centaines de combattants du groupe ont été cernés, tués ou arrêtés. « Les Bakata Katanga [Kata Katanga] sont actuellement engagés dans un processus d’intégration aux FARDC », a dit M. Bussy.<br /><br /><b>Forces de défense nationale (FDN)</b><br /><br />Les FDN ont été formées par d’anciens soldats des FARDC qui ont déserté l’armée nationale en 2010, en raison d’un sentiment de marginalisation. Le groupe, fort de 160 hommes, opère dans l’est du territoire de Walikale, rapporte le projet Enough. Il est dirigé par le « colonel » Akilimali Luendo, alias Akilo, et le « colonel » Jeremie.<br /><br />« Le groupe décline progressivement avec le départ de certains dirigeants qui ont rallié l’armée congolaise », selon le projet Enough.<br /><br /><b>M18</b><br /><br />Le 28 octobre, l’agence Reuters a annoncé la fuite en Ouganda de quelque 10 000 réfugiés congolais, cherchant à échapper aux affrontements entre une nouvelle faction identifiée comme le M18 et des milices dans le nord-est de la RDC.<br /><br />L’armée ougandaise affirme que le M18 n’est pas lié à l’insurrection du M23 dans la province du Nord-Kivu. « Nous savons que le M18 est un nouveau groupe rebelle de la Province Orientale et qu’ils se sont affrontés avec des milices là-bas, obligeant les gens à fuir », selon les propos du porte-parole de l’armée ougandaise, le lieutenant-colonel Paddy Ankunda, rapportés par l’agence Reuters.<br /><br /><b>M26</b><br /><br />Le M26, dont la formation remonte au 26 octobre 2012, se compose de vétérans des Nyatura qui ont refusé de rallier les FARDC. Avec deux autres groupes armés (les FDLR et une faction des Maï Maï Pareco), il a essayé d’enrôler de nouvelles recrues dans la région de Mpati au Nord-Kivu, d’après le Great Lake Voice.<br /><br />Le M26 est également soupçonné d’être impliqué dans des viols de masse dans la région, selon News Afrique Informations.</div>
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<b>Issa Djema (avec IRIN) </b><br />© Congoindépendant 2003-2013</div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-42719119403562339002013-11-08T08:37:00.002+01:002013-11-08T08:45:17.704+01:00THE UN ETERNAL FAILURE IN THE DRC<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">For international media, all working for the French agenda in the African Great Lakes region, rebels' defeats sell more than the Congolese government victories, always. That is why you saw AP triumphantly announcing the alleged surrender of General Makenga yesterday. Of course, all journalists jumped unto such juicy news and repeated all the same line. what is puzzling is that the Government of Uganda has not made any declaration. i am not going to speculate about their reasons for not doing so. What I'd like to say is that those journalists are usually too quick to be objective. Besides, they will not dare to tell you that Makenga's men are still is the DRC with their armament , that would not sell and Ladsous guys cannot allow any media to say that. It would be an acknowledgement of yet another UN failure in the DRC. On the other hand, Ladsous' hench-men-journalists-and-otherwise roles are determined to show that the CIRGL has no diplomatic clout and that it is always the French agenda that prevails in the International Community circles. You can see that in the Pretoria declaration. One can ask: why is it that the other so called western powers, i.e. USA and UK who call themselves the most advanced democracies, hide behind the UN and let France' schemes to destabilize the region take over any common sense? That's a mystery that we might not unravel while the shifting sands of a new scramble for Africa are in full motion as we can see this week.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The UN is failing no matter what appearances are at the moment. Just check out anyone from New York to Kinshasa, and even Paris and see whether there any celebration for victory. There aren't because there wasn't a true victory. Which means that our struggle for freedom is on, no doubt about that. Because of this absence of true victory, which in itself puts Makenga in a new position for struggle, we could expect that the International Community would move the pressure unto Kabila to sign the agreement tomorrow. Let me warn you, that pressure will not happen, the UN is now going to focus on how to help get Kabila a new mandate. Watch out for the signs, if you want, by observing the formation of his upcoming government. He and his friends are hoping his new government will achieve what the <i>concertations nationales</i> have not achieved. Observe the role the international community will have in this matter, and you'll understand why they are so keen to weaken the CIGLR: it's all about their Kinshasa ally in looting the country, while silencing the only people who dare to challenge both Kabila's corrupt governance, and the UN gangsterism. They might think they have finished with M23, but as long as Kivu is not free, there always be CNDP, M23, etc... </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Another sign you should be observing is the FDLR movement in the forest along the DRC boarder with Rwanda. That should tell you where Kobler stands in this matter. I believe I have already said that you should not expect him to fight any other armed groups. A number of them are a creation of Kabila or of FDLR themselves. And the latter are close collaborators of Kobler's forces, darlings of general da Cruz??? What the FDLR movement along the Rwandan boarder is likely to tell you also is that the SADC has embrassed the Fench agenda in the region and they are out to help France finish its 1994 genocide agenda. It is so easy then to pretend there are no Congolese Tutsis to prevent this sinister plan to be carried out. I was positively surprised to see congoindependant.com publish an old interview with Laurent Nkunda, please re-read it. Anyway, the UN has always failed in DRC, it will fail again this time. It's just a matter of time. And it will be defeated by a regional "<i>know-how</i>", which must make room for those who have defended this cause and will continue doing so.</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-59383394261401151872013-11-06T09:11:00.004+01:002013-11-06T09:24:36.806+01:00KINSHASA WILL NEVER SIGN AN AGREEMENT ON THE KIVU<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">We know that already. The Vuvuzela Mende can only confirm that to us with what he's just said. Abusing both M23 and the facilitator, he is saying that there is no point for Kinshasa to sign anything with a rebellion that ceased hostilities by itself. What a surprise, Mr. Mende! The reason why Kabila is more stubborn than ever before is a compound of a number of things. I will try to summarize them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">1) Ceasing hostilities responds not to Kabila wishes, but to the International community which worked on a peace agreement in Uganda subjecting its signature to a prior condition: that M23 stops the rebellion. That has been achieved by M23 withdrawal. What was supposed to follow, was the Kinshasa government to comply with its own part in the already drawn agreement. That part includes specific things of which we only got some few hints from the media, e.g. return of refugees, the eradication of FDLR, and who knows, the declaration of Kivu as a disaster zone, etc... With Mende's declaration, you can see that none of this is going to happen. The question is that, since we all knew this is Kinshasa's position, why did the International community push so hard for M23 to comply and now they cannot do the same with Kinshasa? The answer is that they stand with Kinshasa, no matter what. Which leads us to the second point.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">2) Why is the International community on the side of Kinshasa and is not putting any pressure kabila to comply with the fabricated agreement? Several options here. For one, if you have observed the SADC move in this whole mess, you can see that the International Community is backing Kikwete and Zuma to champion the FDLR agenda in the region, and behind FDLR, you could also place ADF-NALU. It is no secret that Kikwete has vowed to bring FDLR to Rwanda and force the regime to negotiate with them. Which he has done with the full backing of the International community via Kobler's MONUSCO and FIB. Under this umbrella, FDLR are at the door of Rwanda. UN forces have done more than bringing them this close. The recent bombings were not threatening just the country of origin of FDLR, but also Uganda. This is how Tanzania and South-Africa are working hard to replace Leopold II and take the DRC for their own property, which they will certainly share with the Western powers according to the representation we see of them around the so called Kampala talks. It's still about the scramble for Africa but using Africans themselves. We can only guess that Kikwete is doing this to build some clout badly needed to win the next elections in his country. It's about money and I am sure he is paid handsomely for his work in the Kivu on behalf of bigger predators. </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">But does the money he receives a sufficient reason for him to support a move that can set fire on the region? Is he the one who will bring a mess similar to the so-called Arab spring in these mountains? I think the Nkrumah of this continent cannot believe what has happened to their hopes of a free Africa.</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Talking about elections bring us to the next point. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">3) Kabila's re-election in 2016. If he was to loose in the Kivu, then he could kiss bye bye his re-election. He thought the national consultations would hand him a re-election. It doesn't look like that just now. He needs badly a victory over M23. And his sponsors who keep him in power needed it even more that himself. That is how we got the United Nations fighting wars instead of keeping peace. What a pity we can't accuse the UN of crimes against humanity!!!! We didn't do it in 1994 with the sinister operation Turquoise, and they are hoping no one will accuse the UN of working with FDLR because Human Right Watch is on their side in this. Besides, Kabila hopes that the UN is there, not only to defeat M23 for him and entrench FDLR in his army, he also hopes that this same UN (Tanzanian and South-African forces) with the help of experienced FDLR in all matters related to Dongolese elections, will hand him the votes from Kivu once again. So don't be surprised if FIB considers its job finished after M23 and starts working for Kabila's re-election. If you think they are going to fight any other armed group, you are plain wrong. The hope for a free DRC is still very far. And it's not the fault of M23: it's the International Community's and Kabila's. As for M23, as I said yesterday, the battle is not over, it is being transformed and the way of fighting it will just adapt, after all human beings are rational beings.</span></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-75149990107343134342013-11-05T09:52:00.002+01:002013-11-05T10:28:32.532+01:00 A VAINCRE SANS PERIL, ON TRIOMPHE SANS GLOIRE<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Une question d'honneur dans la pensée du classique Corneille, quoi que l'origine se trouve sans doute chez le stoique Sénèque:</span><br />
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<tr style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><td align="left" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Toute victoire sans combat, sans engagement personnel, sans prise de risques ne saurait être une victoire. Il n'y a de place ni pour l'honneur ni pour la dignité. Cette pensée de Corneille prend dès lors tout son sens."<br /><br />"La victoire n'a d'intérêt que si l'on donne de sa personne, au-delà même de ses propres convictions, pour l'obtenir."<br /><br />« Le gladiateur tient à déshonneur d’avoir en face un trop faible adversaire ; il sait qu’on triomphe sans gloire quand on a vaincu sans péril. »<br /><br />"Quand on triomphe d'une personne ou d'une situation sans avoir rencontré de résistance ou de difficulté, la victoire est dénuée de mérite".<br /><br />L'écrivain colombien Garcia Marquez dirait "j'ai appris de vous les hommes que tout le monde veut vivre au sommet de la montagne sans savoir que le véritable bonheur est dans la manière d'escalader l'escarpe"la falaise". Donc la difficulté renforce le mérite et c'est bien dit dans ce proverbe."<br /><br />En perse cela se dit comme : "Apporté par le vent, se perd en vent".<br /><br />Tout ceci n'est donc que partie remise. La bataille ne s'arrête pas, elle se transforme jusqu'à une vraie victoire.</span></td></tr>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-23633266593863572332013-11-05T07:18:00.001+01:002013-11-05T09:20:48.041+01:00THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY'S FIXATION WITH M23<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">It is so tempting to title this article "</span><i style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">le Sanguinaire Kobler</i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">". I didn't do it because when he was appointed to this mission, I said it made me shudder to have him in the area and then I started receiving threatening e-mails saying I was a racist etc. Now the evolution of things confirms my fears. I even wish I was wrong in my intuition. The point is this: the famous UN res. 2098 mandated the FIB to fight negative forces in the DRC. Kobler has made his own translation of this into "working with the most negative of those forces FIB was supposed to fight, i.e. genocidaires FDLR" to finish M23. However, if it was his own translation, it would be fine. It was, all along, the International Community's intention. Use the resolution as a pretext, not only to wipe out M23 but, in the same process, open the highway for FDLR to go do what they have been preparing to do all these years: finish what they did not finish in 1994 in their own country. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">That is why the sound heard yesterday afternoon and the whole night was the South-African airstrikes on Mbuzi. I do not have the morning situation, but I would not be surprised to know the whole of Bunagana was included in the bombing, confirming the Uganda fears that prompted the president to order the deployment of tanks along the Uganda-DRC boarder (</span><a href="http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/13946-museveni-orders-deployment-of-tanks-at-drc-border.html"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/13946-museveni-orders-deployment-of-tanks-at-drc-border.html</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">). It also confirms what media close to Kinshasa government published yesterday, for instance the repeated confirmation that MONUSCO has received the green light to finish off M23. Note that it is MONUSCO, not FARDC. Obviously, Kobler and his MONUSCO have no plans to fight FDLR, sorry to repeat the verb so many time, which confirms that this war is against not just M23, but against a possible stability in the region. I don't see how independent and sovereign states who are members of the UN can watch the latter spearhead the movement meant to bring back a genocide rule. And someone dared to frown upon me when I openly expressed a clear uneasiness at having Kobler head MONUSCO?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">At the moment when I am writing down these few lines, it is believed that 1000 FDLR are in the Virunga National Park with at least 5 of their high commandants, what for? No doubt about the reason why the UN is covering them once again. Once Kobler clears the M23 for them, we shall certainly know why the International Community, Kabila, Kikwete and Zuma have come to this side of the world. It is not just another genocide looming for the interest of France in the Great Lakes Region, it is a somalization of the area from DRC to the boarder of Tanzania, followed by a yougoslavisation. We shall talk about this, at least to keep record for history's sake.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">If the Pretoria summit is about peace in the DRC and the UN is claiming to have wiped out the rebels last night, why are heads of states requesting M23 to declare its own demisse??? Read what is coming from Pretoria here: </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><a href="http://mobi.enca.com/africa/leaders-call-drc-peace-pretoria-summit">http://mobi.enca.com/africa/leaders-call-drc-peace-pretoria-summit</a>. This is how you know that war UN is waging on M23 is not really about M23 but about big boys, e.g. Zuma himself interests in the Great Lakes region on the one hand; on the other, the violence of UN forces against M23 and the lack of mention of FDLR in Pretoria tells you, all this is a cover for FDLR. Otherwise tell me why all these men had to go to Pretoria only to tell M23 to declare itself defunct? Something rotten is brewing underneath... Bisimwa had already declared the end of hostilities. I am sure in a few minutes or hours he will follow the orders coming from Pretoria. And in exchange?</span><br />
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-10949675180082235222013-11-03T20:56:00.001+01:002013-11-03T20:56:34.462+01:00KID GAMES IN KAMPALA<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I attended the graduation of standard 8 boys somewhere in central Kenya yesterday invited by my student who is the principal of the school, then today I went on a few hours hike, yes I do hike whenever I can. I miss the heights of Masisi and have to do with what I have at hand to keep fit! Because of these two things, you might have heard long before me of the latest kid games in Kampala. Or at least its echos. I hear the Bisimwa has ordered Makenga to stop hostilities immediately. You just wonder, what is going on in Kampala? Kid's games? How can anyone, and Bisimwa of all people, ask Makenga to stop hostilities? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I pity today's high school kids who don't study classical thought and classical literature. they are doing plans of study engineered by the market, with its greed and total lack of depth. Those who've done classical thought, as well as those who had the privilege of listening to men of my late father's generation, can spot the absence of logical thinking in this so called negotiations in Kampala. If you ever had to translate Cicero or read Plato you know what I mean. Hence, you can see the absurdity of asking Makenga to cease hostilities. He never started them. Whoever claims to fight for peace does not start hostilities. Makenga, and Nkunda a few years ago, have shown repeatedly to which extent they are more interested in peace than war. In the last couple of weeks, Makenga has proven that to an extent many people, including Kinshasa and all its allies of the international community, are unable to comprehend. He has deliberately withdrawn his troupes from positions he held after defeating FARDC in the manner we all saw. The greedy Kinshasa and its allies read in that move weakness, and loudly praised the new found capacity to win for Kabila's army aided by Tanzanians, South-Africans and the genocidaires Interahamwe.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">With the conviction of that weakness, I can see them putting pressure on Bisimwa to "order" the rebel army to end hostilities. The whole thing could have been set just to allow Kinshasa to issue a new deadline for the rebels to surrender exactly on Saturday 9th November. Tshibanda will come to Kampala to receive "a total capitulation". I have no clue about the mood in Chanzu this moment. What I can guess for sure is that, as long as FARDC and allies attack over there, the guys in Chanzu will not be sitting and watching, and much less act to please Tshibanda or his IC. Can Bisimwa ask them to stop defending themselves? No one has that right.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">However, there could be another reading to the 9th November date. This new summit of Great Lakes States meeting in Pretoria needs preparation. We know Kampala was and is still a joke. It serves only to allow the looters of the DRC resources to use the historical conflict going on as a pretext to impose their own agenda, under the disguise of finding solutions. Make no mistake, Pretoria will be no different. These guys will go there to protect their own interests of which Kabila is the "guardian". But I'd dare to say, that the game of the West in this conflict is seeking to dismantle the Great Lakes region following the model of the former Yougoslavia. It was not CNDP and it is not M23 that is interested in balkanising the DRC and then others. It is the Western powers represented in this so called negotiations. CNDP and M23 have been a clear obstacle to achieving this divisionnist agenda. And since M23 is here to stay and they know it, they are going South to engineer a new way of overcoming such an obstacle. Do you remember they way they sung that Nkunda was the problem for the DRC? Anyway, right now, I'd like to look in the eyes of the guy who arrested him and see what I could read there. Was he really the problem? Or was he an obstacle to the greed of so many? If I were Tshibanda and/or his boss, I would not try to set new deadlines for M23 surrender. And you and I know why. If you don't, ask me.</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-54842511958605989412013-11-01T19:56:00.000+01:002013-11-01T20:06:11.945+01:00SOME POINTERS AS THINGS UNFOLD<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">1) In Bunagana: Julien Paluku was supposed to appear today in Bunagana and the population was waiting for him. He never came. This is what happened: he was airlifted by MONUSCO up to Tschengerero, where he made a super brief appearance and huddled back to the helicopter promptly. He understood that FARDC-FDLR-FIB-MONUSCO have been disbanded in Jomba by M23 soldiers. Whatever happened to all the triumphalism he used in Rutshuru, reinstating the maire. The media close to the International community's agenda will not tell you that FARDC coalition units 8005 and 8006 were destroyed in Jomba. So Paluku might have taken my warning yesterday into account, even if minimally, he knows he should not go into Bunagana. And he is already moving around on by choppers, not safe to go by road. I am too sure the choppers are that safe either. And he is not the only one to know that Bunagana isn't a secured position for the government. No media will report on the Jomba destruction of Units 8005 and 8006 because they cannot find a way of blaming that on Rwanda or Uganda and it would mean they must acknowledge what I said yesterday: M23 forces are quite intact.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">2) FARDC-FDLR-FIB-MONUSCO coalition in Bunagana: They came, yes. They brought their arsenal to fight what they are calling, to use Jeune Afrique expression "<i>une centaine d'irréductibles retranchés à Chanzu</i>". Ok, only a few hundreds? That's what they pay the media to say. But this coalition knows the moment of walks in the park could shortened. Do you want a proof? They have collected their stock of arms and now are taking them back to Rutshuru. Why? They are afraid, the Jomba episode was quite swift, they know they are not in their "territory" just as yet. The problem is that they are protecting their ammunition, but they have to stick around to give the International community leverage to continue talking about FARDC victories. However, now they are hungry. Remember what FARDC do when they are hungry or simply whenever they can? They loot. That is what the Bunagana population waiting for Paluku had to put up with. Next thing you'll hear about rape, assassinations, etc... And mind you Human rights watch and enough project won't right any reports on that. You can thank me for telling you, haha.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">3) Why are the coalition soldiers getting hungry? Because MONUSCO that's been proving food supplies cannot cope with 20,000 soldiers swarming the area from Kibumba to Bunagana. This International Community is just unbelievable! If you commit to feed Kabila's coalition including génocidaires, then feed them well and daily wherever you have pushed them to go, if not they are a danger for civilians with this looting and extortion. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">4) What is transpiring from Kampala: the International Community ally to Kabila is making sure we are advancing towards war no matter what. The reason is that the only talk going for Kabila is reintegration, may be with some amnesty; and for the International community, the only word is disarmament of M23. Note that they both know that Reintegration and Disarmament are out of question. Kinshasa and IC cannot hide their determination to perpetuate the war since their demands actually means simply that. Did I say my people need patience? I should add more determination than ever. In this era of corrupt deals everywhere, we must dare to stand and not compromise on what we believe in.</span></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-39890318470588250422013-10-31T07:59:00.000+01:002013-10-31T15:55:23.700+01:00FINALLY OUR SPIN DOCTOR ADMITS THERE IS NO RWANDAN SUPPORT FOR M23<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Waaaahhhhh, this is the biggest victory M23 has ever scored although unintentionally probably. The big mouth of all vultures in all matters rebel in Eastern DRC has acknowledged there is no Rwandan support for M23. For this once I applaud him, though he spins it immediately to affirm that as one of the reasons why the criminal coalition of FDLR-FARDC-FIB-MONUSCO has swept through the rebels previously held territories. The interesting thing about our cause is that it was born before us and does and will transcend us. And more so when it comes to these guys who became experts of the region <i>dans le sillage de l'agenda sinistre français </i>in the Great Lakes. They think they know everything because their livelyhood and professional identity comes, not from true knowledge, but from the distortion of it as the geo-politics post 1989 want it to be. I am in a hurry to attend a workshop outside the University but I must find time to elaborate more on this post. Hang on, the Kivu dynamics will not deceive us, and we move with the history on the move.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">While I find time to put together the latest update, please read this summary. Almost everything is correct except two things:</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">1) The author fails to state that M23 forces are still intact and that General Makenga is using his time in thorough training. His resistance with the support of his people, wherever we are is the key to the problem at hand.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">2) Taking the talks from Kampala to South Africa doesn't mean much. Do you remember how part of this huge mess originated from Sun City? Is that what Kabila is looking for? A Sun City bis? With oil in the Virunga in the plans of Zuma and his family? We can expect much, which only confirms further my point 1. So Makenga like Hannibal will make his the motto I have on my profile: "Aut iam inveniam, aut faciam", meaning "I will either find a way, or make one".</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">But the author is right about France and the UN getting nervous at the sight of a close and determined collaboration between Nairobi, Kampala and Kigali. Their ally, Tanzania is being increasingly isolated. Time will tell.</span><br />
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<a href="http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/13879-drc-museveni-calls-emergency-meet-as-regional-war-looms.html">http://chimpreports.com/index.php/special-reports/13879-drc-museveni-calls-emergency-meet-as-regional-war-looms.html</a></div>
Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8251530334704088460.post-11409825179827842602013-10-31T07:48:00.002+01:002013-10-31T07:48:38.233+01:00DE L'AGENCE D'INFORMATION<h1 class="clearfix color text-right" style="background-color: white; color: #660000; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 38.5px; line-height: 40px; margin: 10px 0px; text-align: right; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
Des plaines aux collines</h1>
<h3 class="text-right" style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 24.5px; line-height: 40px; margin: 10px 0px; text-align: right; text-rendering: optimizelegibility;">
<em>Face aux manœuvres de Kinshasa, le M23 change de stratégie…</em></h3>
<div class="text-right" style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin-bottom: 10px; text-align: right;">
<span class="label" style="background-color: #999999; border-bottom-left-radius: 3px; border-bottom-right-radius: 3px; border-top-left-radius: 3px; border-top-right-radius: 3px; color: white; display: inline-block; font-size: 11.844px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 14px; padding: 2px 4px; text-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.247059) 0px -1px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: nowrap;">30/10/2013</span> <span class="label label-important" style="background-color: #b94a48; border-bottom-left-radius: 3px; border-bottom-right-radius: 3px; border-top-left-radius: 3px; border-top-right-radius: 3px; color: white; display: inline-block; font-size: 11.844px; font-weight: 700; line-height: 14px; padding: 2px 4px; text-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.247059) 0px -1px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: nowrap;">Analyses</span></div>
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Appuyée par les forces des Nations Unies et par les FDLR, la nouvelle offensive loyaliste contre le M23 a failli mettre en danger les populations civiles. Pour ne pas porter la responsabilité de dérapages éventuels, le mouvement rebelle s’est replié dans les hauteurs, ce qui a fait crier à sa défaite imminente par Kinshasa et par la Monusco.</div>
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Supported by the United Nations forces and the FDLR, the new loyalist offensive against the M23 almost endangered civilians. To take no responsibility for any slippage, the rebel movement retreated in the hills, which provoked yelling at his imminent defeat by Kinshasa and Monusco.</div>
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<div addthis:description="Appuyée par les forces des Nations Unies et par les FDLR, la nouvelle offensive loyaliste contre le M23 a failli mettre en danger les populations civiles. Pour ne pas porter la responsabilité de dérapages éventuels, le mouvement rebelle s’est replié dans les hauteurs, ce qui a fait crier à sa défaite imminente par Kinshasa et par la Monusco. Supported by the United Nations forces and the FDLR, the new loyalist offensive against the M23 almost endangered civilians. To take no responsibility for any slippage, the rebel movement retreated in the hills, which provoked yelling at his imminent defeat (...)" addthis:title="Des plaines aux collines" addthis:url="http://www.lagencedinformation.com/048-des-plaines-aux-collines.html" class="addthis_toolbox addthis_default_style addthis_32x32_style text-right margin" style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 20px; text-align: right;">
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Le M23 est maintenant <i>« quasiment militairement fini »</i>, déclarait hier, lundi 28 octobre, en vidéoconférence devant les membres du Conseil de Sécurité, l’allemand Martin Kobler, patron de la Mission de stabilisation des Nations Unies en République démocratique du Congo (Monusco). <i>« Les rebelles du M23 ont quitté volontairement certaines positions »</i>, intitule aujourd’hui sa dépêche l’Agence France-Presse (AFP) – dont le ton est visiblement moins péremptoire –, avant de citer le dernier communiqué des “rebelles” qui annonce un retrait effectué pour ne pas être impliqué dans <i>« un bain de sang dans les agglomérations où la population risquait d’être victime d’une violence susceptible d’être évitée »</i>. Le M23 accuse la mission onusienne d’avoir infiltré et armé des civils dans le bourg de Kiwanja, tenu par la rébellion, dans le but de provoquer une riposte de cette dernière pour ensuite l’accuser de massacres contre les populations.</div>
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Les vendredi 25, en effet, les combats avaient repris entre les combattants du M23 et la coalition regroupant les forces de Kinshasa (FARDC), les anciens génocidaires hutus des FDLR et la Brigade offensive de la Monusco qui, à 4 heures du matin, avaient attaqué les lignes ennemies sur le front de Kibumba. Au troisième jour des affrontements, lorsque la situation tournait en faveur des troupes de l’Armée révolutionnaire congolaise (ARC, la branche militaire de la rébellion), des incidents se sont produits à Kiwanja, où les civils armés avec d’autres éléments portant les uniformes de la Brigade et des FARDC ont commencé à tirer sur les soldats et les policiers du M23. En même temps, des informations venant des services de renseignement de la rébellion faisaient état de la planification d’une attaque des hélicoptères du contingent sud-africain de la Brigade qui auraient dû investir la cité de Rumangabo. Dans cette cité, située à une cinquantaine de kilomètres à nord de Goma, le camp militaire du M23, une ancienne base des FARDC, n’est pas loin d’un village habité par des populations rwandophones, qui ont déjà fait les frais d’un bombardement de la coalition en juillet dernier.</div>
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En considérations de tous ces faits et suite à des concertations avec l’appareil politique du mouvement, le haut commandement militaire du M23 a décide de quitter toutes les plaines tenues par ses propres forces, et de se replier dans les hauteurs montagneuses. Les positions ainsi abandonnées auront vite été occupées par les forces onusiennes et celles de l’armée régulière, manœuvre préalable au lancement d’une vaste opération médiatique. La rébellion serait aux abois et la victoire de Kinshasa question de jours. Alexandre Luba Ntambo, ministre congolais de la Défense, appelle à la reddition les soldats de l’ARC, alors qu’on essaye d’expliquer cette inattendue « débâcle » du M23 par la puissance de feu de la Brigade et l’affaiblissement du prétendu soutien à la rébellion de la part du Rwanda. Ce dernier d’ailleurs, persiste dans la retenue face à plus d’une vingtaine de tirs de roquettes tombées sur son territoire depuis les positions des FARDC.</div>
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Un avertissement est cependant lancé du côté rebelle : le repli tactique ne doit pas être interprété comme un signe de faiblesse, mais comme un changement de stratégie. Selon une source proche de la rébellion en Europe,<i>« pendant trop longtemps, le M23 a fait preuve de modération en acceptant de négocier alors que les hommes aux ordres de Ladsous</i> [le patron français du DOMP, en anglais DKPO, Département des Opération de maintien de la Paix des Nations unies, ndr] <i>et de Kobler tiraient sur les troupes de l’ARC »</i>. Il s’agirait maintenant de <i>« tourner la page »</i> de cette stratégie “défensive”, le repli permettant de se mettre dans <i>« une position, plus “offensive” »</i>. <i>« Toutes les neuf Brigades du M23 sont dans les hauteurs, avec leurs forces intactes au niveau des hommes et du matériel. »</i></div>
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Il est évident que l’hypothèse d’un affaiblissement, voire d’une déliquescence progressive de la rébellion est à prendre avec une réserve extrême. Autrement, on ne comprendrait pas pour quelle raison Paris et Washington, depuis toujours soutiens majeurs du président Kabila, ont appelé à une reprise immédiate des pourparlers entre le gouvernement de Kinshasa et le M23. Ceux-ci se déroulent à Kampala sous l’égide de la Conférence internationale de la région des Grands Lacs (CIRGL). Cette nouvelle session du dialogue, démarrée en septembre, fait partie d’un processus complexe qui n’est pas trop du goût des puissances occidentales, certainement plus enthousiastes face à l’éventualité d’une solution militaire et rapide de la crise dans l’Est de la RDC. Ce qui ne semble pourtant pas être l’avis de l’envoyé spécial du président américain dans les Grands Lacs, Russel Feingold. De passage à Paris, celui-ci s’est prononcé pour l’arrêt des combats : <i>« Il y a d’énormes risques à continuer comme ça, en pensant que la solution militaire est l’unique réponse. Cela risque d’attirer d’autres forces et pourrait conduire à une guerre croisée. »</i></div>
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Néanmoins, si le spectre d’une intervention de Kigali pour faire taire les armes lourdes qui, du côté congolais de la frontière, font des victimes parmi ses populations civiles (et cela sans que la Monusco bronche…), fait peur aux acteurs le plus responsables de la crise, l’internationalisation du conflit, avec des conséquences de déstabilisation de toute la sous-région, fait toujours partie de l’agenda des forces occultes qui opèrent notamment au sein du DOMP.</div>
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A Kampala, où la délégation du M23 est de plus en plus sceptique sur la volonté gouvernementale de vouloir reprendre d’une manière constructive les négociations de paix, un colonel de la rébellion ironises face aux rumeurs d’une débandade de son mouvement lors des derniers combats et répond en citant Sun Tzi, la maître chinois de la pensée militaire : <i>« Ne répétez pas les mêmes tactiques victorieuses, mais adaptez-vous aux circonstances chaque fois particulières. »</i></div>
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<span style="font-weight: 700;">L’Agence d’information</span></div>
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Part of Gomahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11519795832929416651noreply@blogger.com0